|
|
|
|
Republic of Ireland Act
|
| |
|
| |
The Republic of Ireland Act 1948 is an Act of the Oireachtas whose primary provisions were to declare that the state, Ireland, is a Republic and that the President of Ireland has executive authority of any executive function of the state or in the external relations of the state. It repealed the External Relations Act, 1936 which had declared that the the Head of State of the United Kingdom (in his role as King of Ireland) should exercise that authority.
Discussion
Ask a question about 'Republic of Ireland Act' Start a new discussion about 'Republic of Ireland Act' Answer questions from other users |
Encyclopedia
The Republic of Ireland Act 1948 is an Act of the Oireachtas whose primary provisions were to declare that the state, Ireland, is a Republic and that the President of Ireland has executive authority of any executive function of the state or in the external relations of the state. It repealed the External Relations Act, 1936 which had declared that the the Head of State of the United Kingdom (in his role as King of Ireland) should exercise that authority. As a consequence, the State ceased to be a Dominion of the Crown.
It declares that the description of the state is the Republic of Ireland (or Poblacht na hÉireann in Irish) and that the president, with support of the government, will have absolute executive power in the state. The Act was enacted in both the Irish and English languages. It was signed by the President of Ireland on 21 December 1948 and came into force on 18 April1949.
Text of Act
The Republic of Ireland Act is itself quite short, running to just 5 brief sections, and is therefore set out in full as follows:
The King
Section 1 of the Act repealed the Executive Authority (External Relations) Act 1936. By doing so the Act abolished the last remaining functions of the King of Ireland, then George VI, in relation to Ireland. These functions had related to the issuance and acceptance of letters of credence of diplomatic and consular representatives and the conclusion of international agreements. Section 3 provides that the President of Ireland may instead exercise these functions and any other functions in relation to Ireland's external (or foreign) relations. This effectively upgraded the President to a full head of state.
The Commonwealth
At the time the Act came into force, a requirement for a country's membership of the British Commonwealth was that the state be a Dominion, where the same monarch was shared as head of state in each country. Thus, after the Act, Ireland had definitively left the Commonwealth. Ireland had not participated actively in the Commonwealth for some years prior to the Act, but was regarded, at least by the other Commonwealth governments, as not having left the Commonwealth.
The London Declaration, which permitted republics to remain within the Commonwealth, was promulgated shortly afterwards. The Irish government opted not to reapply for membership of the Commonwealth, unlike India, which became a republic within the Commonwealth in 1950. The Irish government's decision was criticised by then Leader of the Opposition Éamon de Valera, who considered applying for membership in the 1950s.
Republic of Ireland Description
Section 2 of the Act quite simply provides:
"It is hereby declared that the description of the State shall be the Republic of Ireland."
Notably, the Act did not change the official name of the state. It merely provided the description for the State. The Constitution of Ireland provides that Ireland (or Éire in Irish) is the official name of the State and if the Act had purported to change the name, it would have been unconstitutional as it was not a constitutional amendment. The distinction between a description and a name has sometimes caused confusion. The Taoiseach, John A. Costello who introduced the Republic of Ireland Bill in the Oireachtas explained the difference in the following way:
United Kingdom response
The British government responded to the Republic of Ireland Act by enacting the Ireland Act 1949, which provided that Irish citizens in the UK would not be treated as foreigners.
It also provided that "that part of Ireland heretofore known as Eire...may [be referred to] as the Republic of Ireland.” Between the adoption of the Irish Constitution in 1937 and the Ireland Act, UK law had only formally acknowledged Eire (and not Ireland) as the name of the Irish state. Notwithstanding the UK's acceptance of the Republic of Ireland description, the question of the correct name for the state remained a source of diplomatic friction for several decades afterwards.
The UK's Ireland Act also gave a legislative guarantee that Northern Ireland would continue to remain a part of the United Kingdom unless the parliament of Northern Ireland formally expressed a wish to join a United Ireland. This "unionist veto" became a source of much controversy in Dublin until 1998.
King George VI of the United Kingdom sent the following message to the Seán T. O'Kelly, dated April 18, 1949:
Background
The Act repealed the External Relations Act, 1936. Under that Act, King George VI as 'King of Ireland' (a king shared with the United Kingdom and other Dominions of the Commonwealth) acted as the Irish head of state in international relations. He accredited ambassadors and on the State's behalf accepted credentials appointing foreign ambassadors to the State. The Republic of Ireland Act removed this role (the last remaining role) from the King and vested it instead in the President of Ireland, making the then President of Ireland, Seán T. O'Kelly, unambiguously the Irish head of state.
In 1945, when asked if he planned to declare a Republic, the then Taoiseach Eamon de Valera had replied, "we are a republic", having refused to say so before for eight years. He also insisted that Ireland had no king, but simply used an external king as an organ in international affairs. However, that was not the view of constitutional lawyers including de Valera's Attorneys-General, whose disagreement with de Valera's interpretation only came to light when the state papers from the 1930s and 1940s were released to historians. Nor was it the view in the international arena, who believed that Ireland did have a king, George VI who had been proclaimed King of Ireland in December 1936, and to whom they accredited ambassadors to Ireland. King George, in turn, as "King of Ireland" accredited all Irish diplomats. All treaties signed by the Irish Taoiseach or Minister for External Affairs were signed in the name of King George.
De Valera had a history of making statements on constitutional matters that were legally questionable. His belief that the Governor-General's post had been abolished by a constitutional amendment in December 1936 was privately rejected by his own Attorney-General, James Geoghegan, Secretary to the Executive Council, by the Parliamentary Draftsman's Office (which drafted legislation) and other leading legal figures in the government. To sort out what was privately seen as a legal mess, de Valera had had to introduce a second enactment, the Executive Powers (Consequential Provisions) Act, 1937, which was backdated as if effective from the original date of the supposed abolition in December 1936. In 1947, de Valera's new Attorney-General, began drafting a bill to grant to the President the powers in international affairs possessed by the King. Part of the debate in government revolved around whether a republic should be declared in the bill. The very existence of the debate is evidence that de Valera's latest attorney-general and part of his cabinet, maybe even de Valera himself, did not agree with de Valera's statement in 1945 that the Irish state was already a republic. In the end, the draft bill was never submitted to the Oireachtas for approval. Whether that is because it was simply abandoned or because de Valera planned to introduce it after the 1948 general election (which he unexpectedly lost) is unclear.
Introduction of the bill
The bill to declare Ireland a republic was introduced in 1948 by the new Taoiseach, John A. Costello of the Fine Gael party. Costello made the announcement that the bill was to be introduced when he was in Ottawa, during an official visit to Canada. It has been suggested that it was a spur of the moment reaction to offence caused by the Governor-General of Canada, Harold Alexander, 1st Earl Alexander of Tunis who was of Northern Irish descent and who allegedly placed symbols of Northern Ireland, notably a replica of the famous Roaring Meg cannon used in the Siege of Derry, before an affronted Costello at a state dinner. What is certain is that the prior arrangement whereby toasts to the King (symbolising Canada) and the President (representing Ireland) were to be proposed, was broken. Only a toast to the King was proposed, to the fury of the Irish delegation. Shortly afterwards Costello announced the plan to declare the republic.
However, according to all but one of the ministers in Costello's cabinet, the decision to declare a republic had already been made prior to Costello's Canadian visit. Costello's revelation of the decision was because the Sunday Independent (an Irish newspaper) had discovered the fact and was about to "break" the story as an exclusive. Nevertheless one minister, the controversial Noel Browne, gave a different account in his autobiography, Against the Tide. He claimed Costello's announcement was done in a fit of anger of his treatment by the Governor-General and that when he returned, Costello, at an assembly of ministers in his home, offered to resign because of his manufacture of a major government policy initiative on the spot in Canada. Yet according to Browne, all the ministers agreed that they would refuse to accept the resignation and also agreed to manufacture the story of a prior cabinet decision.
The evidence of what really happened remains ambiguous. There is no record of a prior decision to declare a republic before Costello's Canadian trip, among cabinet papers for 1948, which supports Browne's claim. However, in what is generally regarded as one of its most ill-judged decisions, the Costello government refused to allow the Secretary to the Government, Maurice Moynihan, to attend cabinet meetings and take minutes, because they believed he was too close to their enemy, Éamon de Valera. Rather than entrust the minute-taking to Moynihan, the cabinet entrusted it to a Parliamentary Secretary (junior minister), Liam Cosgrave. Given that Cosgrave had never kept minutes before, it is understandable that Cosgrave's minutes, at least early on in the government, proved less than a thorough record of government decisions. So whether the issue was never raised, was raised but undecided on, was subjected to a decision taken informally, or was subjected to a decision taken formally, remains obscure on the basis of the 1948 cabinet documentation.
In addition, Browne's own book, published in the 1980s, is littered with major factual inaccuracies and thus is seen as equally unreliable. The last two surviving ministers of that cabinet in the 1980s, former Minister for External Affairs Seán MacBride and Browne, publicly and trenchantly disagreed with one another as to the events that led to the declaration of the republic. What is certain is that one man's account is wrong. But it has proved impossible to determine which one is wrong.
At any rate, the Act was enacted with all parties voting for it. De Valera did suggest that it would have been better to reserve the declaration of the republic until Irish unity had been achieved, a comment hard to reconcile with his 1945 claim that the Irish state was already a republic. Speaking in Seanad Éireann Costello told senators that as a matter of law, the King was indeed "King of Ireland" and Irish head of state and the President of Ireland was in effect no more than first citizen and a local notable, until the new law came into force.
Reassessment
In 1996, the Constitution Review Group considered amending the Constitution to declare that Ireland is a republic. It decided against recommending such an amendment. This was the second time that such an amendment was considered by committee.
Éamon De Valera's grandson, Éamon Ó Cuív, while a government minister in the 1990s, advocated Irish membership of the Commonwealth.
|
| |
|
|
