|
|
|
|
Quebec French
|
| |
|
| |
Quebec French (le français québécois, le français du Québec), or less often Québécois French, is the predominant varieties of the French language in Canada, in its formal and informal registers. Quebec French is used in everyday communication, as well as in education, the media, and government.
Canadian French is a frequently used umbrella term for the varieties of French used in Canada including Quebec French.
Discussion
Ask a question about 'Quebec French' Start a new discussion about 'Quebec French' Answer questions from other users |
Encyclopedia
Quebec French (le français québécois, le français du Québec), or less often Québécois French, is the predominant varieties of the French language in Canada, in its formal and informal registers. Quebec French is used in everyday communication, as well as in education, the media, and government.
Canadian French is a frequently used umbrella term for the varieties of French used in Canada including Quebec French. It was formerly used to refer solely to Quebec French and the closely related varieties of Ontario and Western Canada, but is no longer usually felt to exclude Acadian French.
The pejorative term joual is occasionally used to refer to a variety of Quebec French associated with the working class of the Montreal area, characterized by certain features perceived as incorrect.
History
Canadian French is not derived, as is sometimes misstated, from Old French – a much earlier ancestor that spanned the 11th to 14th centuries and, in many ways, resembled Latin. The origins of Canadian French actually lie in the 17th and 18th century regional varieties of early Modern French, also known as Classical French, and of other Oïl languages (Norman, Picard, etc.) that French colonists brought to New France. Canadian French either evolved from this language base and was shaped by the following influences (arranged according to historical period) or was imported as a koine from Paris and other urban centers of France.
New France
Unlike the language of France in the 17th and 18th centuries, French in New France was fairly unified though unification might have occurred either before or after immigration (see the Barbaud-Wittmann controversy on this issue). It also began to borrow words, especially place names such as "Québec", "Canada" and "Hochelaga", and words to describe the flora and fauna such as "atoca" and "achigan" from native Indian languages due to contacts with First Nations peoples.
The importance of the rivers and ocean as the main routes of transportation also left its imprint on Canadian French. Whereas standard French uses the verbs "monter" and "descendre" to get in and out of an automobile, Canadians tend to use "embarquer" and "débarquer", relics from their navigational heritage.
British rule
With the onset of British rule in 1760, Quebec French became isolated from European French. This led to a retention of older pronunciations, such as "moé" for "moi" and expressions that later died out in France. In 1774, the Quebec Act guaranteed French settlers as British subjects rights to French law, the Roman Catholic faith, and the French language. Such early yet difficult success was followed by a socio-cultural retreat, if not repression, that would later help ensure the survival of French in Canada.
Late 19th century
After Canadian Confederation, Quebec started to become industrialized and thus experienced increased contact between French and English speakers. Quebec business, especially with the rest of Canada and with the United States, was conducted in English. Also, communications to and within the Canadian federal government were conducted almost exclusively in English. This period included as well a sharp rise in the number of English-speaking immigrants from what are now the Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom. This was particularly noticeable in Montreal, which looked like a majority anglophone city in terms of its commercial signs, but which was predominantly francophone. As a result, Quebec French began to borrow massively from both Canadian and American English to fill lexical gaps in the fields of government, law, manufacturing, business and trade. A great number of French Canadians went to the US to seek employment. When they returned, they brought with them new words taken from their experiences in the New England textile mills and the northern lumber camps.
20th century to 1959
During World War I, a majority of Quebec's population lived in urban areas for the first time. From the time of the war to the death of Maurice Duplessis in 1959, the province experienced massive modernization. It is during this period that French-language radio and television broadcasting, albeit with a façade of European pronunciation, began in Canada. While Canadian French borrowed many English-language brand names during this time, Quebec's first modern terminological efforts bore a French lexicon for (ice) hockey, one of the national sports of Canada. Following World War II, Quebec began to receive large waves of allophone immigrants who would acquire French or English, but most commonly the latter. These immigrants would enrich the French language with their cuisine by contributing words such as "bagel" and "pizza".
1959 to 1982
From the Quiet Revolution to the passing of Law 101, French in Quebec saw a period of validation in its varieties associated with the working class while the percentage of literate and university educated francophones grew. Laws concerning the status of French were passed both on the federal and provincial levels. The Office québécois de la langue française was established to play an essential role of support in language planning. In Ontario, the first French-language public secondary schools were built in the 1960s, but not without confrontations. Sturgeon Falls, Penetanguishene and Windsor each had its own school crisis.
Social perception and language policy
Standardization
Although Quebec French constitutes a coherent and standard system, it has no objective norm since the very organization mandated to establish it, the Office québécois de la langue française, believes that objectively standardizing Quebec French would lead to reduced interintelligibility with other French communities around the world, linguistically isolating Quebecers and possibly causing the extinction of the French language in the Americas.
This governmental institution has nonetheless published many dictionaries and terminological guidelines since the 1960s, effectively allowing many canadianismes or more often québécismes (French words local to Canada or Quebec) that either describe specifically North American realities or were in use before the Conquest. It also creates new, morphologically well-formed words to describe technological evolutions to which the Académie française, the equivalent body governing French language in France, is extremely slow to react. An example is the word courriel (a contraction of courrier électronique), the Quebec French term for e-mail, which was initially being favored by the French Ministry of Culture and is now widely used among the Quebec public, but largely ignored in France.
The resulting effect, other historical factors helping, is a negative perception of Quebec French traits by some of the Quebecers themselves, coupled with a desire to improve their language by conforming it to the Metropolitan French norm. This explains why most of the differences between Quebec French and Metropolitan French documented in this article are marked as "informal" or "colloquial". Those differences that are unmarked are most likely so just because they go unnoticed by most speakers.
Mutual Intelligibility with other varieties of French
Mutual intelligibility of Quebec French with Metropolitan French is a matter of heated debates between linguists. If a comparison can be made, the differences between both dialects are probably larger than those between American and British English, and than those between Brazilian Portuguese and that of Portugal, and than those between Latin American Spanish and European Spanish but less than those differences between standard German and Swiss German. Francophone Canadians abroad have to modify their accent somewhat in order to be easily understood, but very few francophone Canadians are unable to communicate readily with European francophones. European pronunciation is not really difficult for Canadians to understand; only differences in vocabulary present any problems. Nevertheless, Quebec French accent is mostly closer to that of Poitou and some parts of Wallonia.
Television shows and movies from Quebec often must be subtitled for international audiences, which some Quebecers perceive as offensive, although they themselves sometimes can hardly understand European slang. Recent increases in reciprocal exposure are slowly improving mutual intelligibility, and even slang expressions have been crossing the ocean in both directions.
In general, European French speakers have no problems understanding Quebec newscasts or other moderately formal Québécois speech. However, they may have great difficulty understanding informal speech, such as the dialogue in a sitcom. This is due more to idioms, slang, vocabulary and use of exclusive cultural references than to accent or pronunciation. However, when speaking to a European French speaker, a French speaker from Quebec is capable of shifting to a slightly more formal, "international" type of speech.
Quebec's culture has only recently gained exposure in Europe, especially since the Quiet Revolution (Révolution tranquille), and the difference in dialects and culture is large enough that Quebec French speakers overwhelmingly prefer their own "home grown" television dramas or sitcoms to shows from Europe. The number of such TV shows from France shown on Quebec television is about the same as the number of British TV shows on American television: they are seldom broadcast except on obscure cable channels.
Canadian French was once stigmatized, among Quebecers themselves as well as among Continental French and foreigners, as a low-class dialect, sometimes due to its use of anglicisms, sometimes simply due to its differences from "standard" European French. Another potential factor is that in Canadian French, curse words are mostly of religious (specifically Roman Catholic) origin, whereas in Metropolitan French, the words are more harmless.For example, French Canadians will say câlisse ('chalice') where the French would say merde ('shit'). Until 1968, it was unheard of for Canadian French vocabulary to be used in plays in the theatre. In that year the huge success of Michel Tremblay's play Les Belles-Sœurs proved to be a turning point. Today, francophones in Quebec have much more freedom to choose a "register" in speaking, and television characters speak "real" everyday language rather than "normative" French.
Regional varieties of Quebec French and their classification
In the informal registers of Quebec French, regional variation lies in pronunciation and lexis (vocabulary). The regions most commonly associated with such variation are Montreal (esp. the Hochelaga-Maisonneuve borough), the Beauce region, the Gaspé Peninsula, Saguenay-Lac-Saint-Jean region, and Quebec City. However, besides such impressionistic data, basilectal Quebec French dialects can be scientifically divided into two main categories and five subcategories as follows.
"Old" dialects
The "old dialects" are spoken on the territory of what constituted the colony at the time of the British conquest of 1759. The Laurentian colony of New-France was then divided into three districts which were, in the order of their establishment, the Gouvernement de Québec, the Gouvernement de Trois-Rivières, and the Gouvernement de Montréal.
Quebec City dialect
Also known as the "capital dialect" (Fr. de la capitale), it used to be considered as the standardized form of Quebec French and was generally spoken in the central Quebec and throughout St. Lawrence valley by the elite, especially the members of the Catholic clergy. By its pronunciation, it is most closely related to International and Metropolitan French except for the pronunciation of /r/ which is alveolar.
Western-Central dialects
Valley speak (Fr. Valois, de la vallée) is the second most predominant form of Quebec French, after the Quebec City dialect. Is practiced all over the southern part of St. Lawrence valley, including Montreal and Trois-Rivières, as well as the Western etendue going from Gatineau to as far as Rouyn-Noranda. Basic distinctions include the pronunciation of unstressed "ai", as opposed to stressed "è" of the Metropolitan French. For example, the word "fraise" would be most likely pronounced as "phrase" in English, instead of "frèse" close to "fresque". Some extreme speakers would even say "frâse", similar to the "o" in "frost". The Western-Central dialects can be further divided into Central and Western.
Central dialect
Relatively archaic forms of Quebec French are spoken on the territory corresponding to the historic Government of Three Rivers (Gouvernement de Trois-Rivières), notably Magoua and Chaouin. The Gouvernement de Trois-Rivières corresponded approximatement to what is known today as Mauricie and Centre-du-Québec (formerly Bois-Francs). Mauricie was Attikamekw territory and Bois-Francs Abenaki. The Whites were mostly coureurs de bois who intermarried freely with Amerindian woman before the arrival of the first Filles du Roy in 1663. The first coureurs de bois squatters settled in the area in 1615 and their speech differentiated itself in contact with the aboriginal population: Magoua in contact with Attikamekw, Chaouin in contact with Abenaki (Wittmann 1995).
As far as the pronunciation of /r/ is concerned, the area is transitional, the Saint-Maurice River forming a kind of isogloss line (Cossette 1970).
Western dialect
The Western dialect includes Montréal and surroundings and is sometimes considered an offspring of the Central dialect. The pronunciation of /r/ is uvular (Clermont & Cedergren 1979). The territory was probably already "Indian-free" when the first coureurs de bois from Trois-Rivières came there in the years preceding the establishment of the settlement in 1642. This dialect extended originally into the Detroit-Windsor area (Brandon 1898).
Maritime dialects
Basically, they are dialects of Quebec French with a phonological adstrat from Acadian French, spoken in the St. Lawrence delta and Baie des Chaleur area. The morphology though is thoroughly Quebec French and not related to Acadian French: Absence of AF 1st person plural clitic je instead of QF on, no AF plural endings in -on on 1st and 3rd person verbs, no simple pasts in -i-, etc. Geddes (1908) is an early example for the description of the morphology of a maritime dialect. These dialects originated from migrations from the St. Lawrence valley into the area, from 1697 onwards well into the early 19th century, with contributions of refugees from Acadia in the 18th century, both before and after the British conquest of 1759.
The dilaect Geddes described may be referred to as Brayon French, spoken by Brayons in the Bonaventure and Beauce-Appalaches regions of Quebec, the Madawaska region of New Brunswick and small pockets in the American state of Maine.
"New" dialects
The so-called "new" dialects arose from colonization after 1759 which went on well into the late 19th century.
Eastern dialect
Primarily spoken in Sherbrooke and Magog, the dialect consists of French strongly distilled by the presence of notorious New English dialects, such as Boston accent and Vermont speak. As a result, besides alveolar "r", the endings of many words which are pronounced in other varieties of French are not pronounced at all or are pronounced differently, for example, saying "connaissant" ("kon-a-san") instead of "connaissance" ("kon-a-sans"). Other variations include strong pronunciation of "-ant" and "-ent" word ending which sound almost as acute as "-in", for example "blanc" sounding like "blain" (close to as one would say "blam" in English).
Northern dialect
The dialect spoken by inhabitants of such regions as Saguenay-Lac-Saint-Jean and Cote-Nord is characterized by long, stretched vowels in the middle of words, usually "e" or "a" in words as "père" or "case", pronounced as "pére" and "càse". Other examples include an "eating" of the letter "r" at the end of the words, so instead of saying "cuisinière", speakers might say instead "cuisiniéille" ("kweezin-yey"), which distincts from "cuisinier" (read as "kweezin-yeah"). See Lavoie et al. (1985), in particular.
Expatriate dialects
Expatriate dialects, due to emigration in the 19th century, are mostly spoken in Manitoba and the New England states.
References
- Brandon, Edgar (1898). "A French colony in Michigan." Modern Language Notes 13.121-24.
- Clermont, Jean & Henrietta Cedergren (1979). "Les ‘R’ de ma mère sont perdus dans l’air." In P. Thibault (Ed.), Le français parlé: études sociolinguistiques. Edmonton, Alta.: Linguistic Research, 13-28.
- Cossette, André (1970). Le R apical montréalais: étude de phonétique expérimentale. Thèse de D.E.S., Université Laval.
- Dulong, Gaston (1973). "Histoire du français en Amérique du Nord." In Thomas A. Sebeok (Ed). Current trends in linguistics. The Hague: Mouton, 10.407-421 (bibliographie, 10.441-463).
- Dulong, Gaston & Gaston Bergeron (1980). Le Parler populaire du Quebec et de ses regions voisines: Atlas linguistique de I'Est du Canada. Québec: Éditeur officiel du Gouvernement du Québec. 10 vols.
- Geddes, James (1908). Study of the Acadian-French dialect spoken on the north shore of the Baie-des-Chaleurs. Halle: Niemeyer.
- Haden, Ernest F. (1973). "French dialect geography in North America." In Thomas A. Sebeok (Ed). Current trends in linguistics. The Hague: Mouton, 10.422-439 (bibliographie, 10.441-463).
- Lavoie, Thomas, Bergeron Gaston & Michelle Côté (1985). Les parlers français de Charlevoix, du Saguenay, du Lac Saint-Jean et de la Côte Nord. Québec: Éditeur officiel du Gouvernement du Québec. 5 vols.
- Wittmann, Henri (1995) "Grammaire comparée des variétés coloniales du français populaire de Paris du 17e siècle et origines du français québécois." in Fournier, Robert & Henri Wittmann. Le français des Amériques. Trois-Rivières: Presses universitaires de Trois-Rivières, 281-334.
Overview of the relation to European French
Historically speaking, the closest relative of Canadian French is the 17th century koiné of Paris.
Formal Canadian French uses essentially the same orthography and grammar as Standard French, with few exceptions, and exhibits moderate lexical differences. Differences in grammar and lexicon become more marked as language becomes less formal.
While phonetic differences also decrease with greater formality, Quebec and European accents are readily distinguishable in all registers. Over time, European French has exerted a strong influence on Quebec French. The phonological features traditionally distinguishing informal Quebec French and formal European French have gradually acquired varying sociolinguistic status, so that certain traits of Quebec French are perceived neutrally or positively by Quebecers, while others are perceived negatively.
Perceptions of Quebec French
Sociolinguistic studies conducted in the 1960s and 1970s showed that Quebecers generally rated speakers of European French heard in recordings higher than speakers of Quebec French in many positive traits, including expected intelligence, education, ambition, friendliness and physical strength. The researchers were surprised by the greater friendliness rating for Europeans, since one of the primary reasons usually advanced to explain the retention of low-status language varieties is social solidarity with members of one's linguistic group. François Labelle cites the efforts at that time by the Office de la langue française "to impose as French a standard as possible" as one of the reasons for the negative view Quebeckers had of their language variety.
Since the 1970s, the official position on Quebec French has shifted dramatically. An oft-cited turning point was the 1977 declaration of the Association québécoise des professeurs de français defining thus the language to be taught in classrooms: "Standard Quebec French [le français standard d'ici, literally, "the Standard French of here"] is the socially favoured variety of French which the majority of Francophone Quebecers tend to use in situations of formal communication." According to Ostiguy and Tousignant, it is doubtful that Quebecers would today still have the same negative attitudes towards their own variety of French that they did in the 1970s. They argue that negative social attitudes have focused instead on a subset of the characteristics of Quebec French relative to European French, and particularly some traits of informal Quebec French. Some characteristics of European French are even judged negatively when imitated by Quebecers.
For examples, see the section "Sociolinguistic status of selected phonological traits" below.
Typography
Quebec French has some typographical differences with European French. In Quebec French, no spaces are inserted before punctuation marks other than the colon. European French requires spaces before the exclamation mark, the question mark and the colon.
Spelling and grammar
Formal language
A notable difference in grammar which received considerable attention in France during the 1990s is the feminine form of many professions, which traditionally did not have a feminine form. In Quebec, one writes nearly universally une chercheuse "a researcher", whereas in France, un chercheur and, more recently, une chercheur and une chercheuse, are used.
There are other, sporadic spelling differences. For example, the Office québécois de la langue française recommends the spelling tofou for what is in France tofu "tofu". In grammar, the adjective inuit "Inuit" is invariable in France but, according to official recommendations in Quebec, has regular feminine and plural forms.
Informal language
Grammatical differences between informal spoken Quebec French and the formal language abound. Some of these, such as omission of the negative particle ne, are present in the informal language of speakers of standard European French, while other features, such as use of the interrogative particle -tu, are either peculiar to Quebec or Canadian French or restricted to nonstandard varieties of European French. For further information, see the sections "Syntax", "Pronouns" and "Verbs" below.
Lexis
From french canadian to french metropolitan
- Char (Chariot) becomes "voiture" car
- Arret becomes "Stop"
- Blonde (Blond) becomes "copine" girl friend
- Chum becomes "copain" boy friend
Quebec French lexical innovations
Recently coined words
- Clavardage, meaning chat, a contraction of "clavier" (keyboard) and "bavardage" (chat). Verb: clavarder;
- Courriel, meaning e-mail, a contraction of "courrier électronique" (electronic mail);
- Pourriel, meaning spam e-mail, is a contraction of "courriel" (email) and "poubelle" (garbage). but also, it contains the word "pourri" (rotten).
- Baladodiffusion, meaning podcasting, a contraction of "baladeur" (referring to iPod) and "radiodiffusion".
Anglicisms
One characteristic of major sociological importance distinguishing Quebec French from European French is the relatively greater number of borrowings from English, especially in the informal spoken language. In contrast, Quebecers show a stronger aversion to the use of anglicisms in formal contexts than do European francophones, largely because of what the influence of English on their language is held to reveal about the historically superior position of anglophones in Canadian society. According to Cajolet-Laganière and Martel, out of 4,216 "criticized borrowings from English" in Quebec French that they were able to identify, some 93% have "extremely low frequency" and 60% are obsolete. Despite this, the prevalence of anglicisms in Quebec French has often been exaggerated. French spoken with a number of anglicisms viewed as excessive may be disparagingly termed franglais. According to Chantal Bouchard, "While the language spoken in Quebec did indeed gradually accumulate borrowings from English [between 1850 and 1960], it did not change to such an extent as to justify the extraordinarily negative discourse about it between 1940 and 1960. It is instead in the loss of social position suffered by a large proportion of Francophones since the end of the 19th century that one must seek the principal source of this degrading perception."
Borrowings from Aboriginal languages
Linguistic structure
Phonology
For phonological comparisons of Quebec French, Belgian French, Meridional French, and Metropolitain French, see French phonology.
Systematic, i.e. in all unmonitored speech:
- and as phonemes distinct from and from respectively
- , , are lax allophones of , , in closed syllables
- Under certain conditions, long vowels in final (stressed) syllables
- Drop of schwa
Observable in some but not all unmonitored speech:
- Variants for are closed to or and is fronted into
- Diphthongs as variants to long vowels
- Standard French (spelled "oi") as , or as (spelled "oé")
Systematic:
- and affricated to and before , , and their allophones ,
- Drop of liquids and (written as "l" and "r") in unstressed position with schwa or unstressed Intervocalic position
Observable in some but not all unmonitored speech:
- Trilled "r" - (a disappearing phenomenon)
For detailed information on other topics in phonology in Quebec French, such as prosody, see Quebec French pronunciation.
Sociolinguistic status of selected phonological traits
The examples below are not intended to be exhaustive, but rather to illustrate the complex influence European French has had on Quebec French pronunciation, and the range of sociolinguistic statuses that individual phonetic variables can possess. For the specific technical description of the features in question, see the phonology sections above or the article Quebec French phonology.
- The most entrenched features of Quebec pronunciation are such that their absence, even in the most formal registers, is considered an indication of foreign origin of the speaker. This is the case, for example, for the affrication of and before and . (This particular feature of Quebec French is, however, sometimes avoided when singing, though not always.)
- The use of the lax Quebec allophones of , , (in the appropriate phonetic contexts) is compulsory in all but highly formal styles, and even there their use predominates. Use of the tense allophones where the lax ones would be expected can be perceived as "pedantic".
- The predominant Quebec variants , and corresponding to the European , (conventionally transcribed ) and (conventionally transcribed ) are not subject to a significant negative sociolinguistic evaluation, and are used by a majority of speakers and of educated speakers in all circumstances. However, the European variants also appear occasionally in formal speech among a minority of speakers. (The preceding discussion applies to stressed syllables. For reasons unrelated to their social standing, some allophones close to the European variants appear frequently in unstressed syllables.)
- The Quebec variant of in such words as espace clearly predominates in informal speech, and, according to Ostiguy and Tousignant, is likely not perceived negatively in informal situations. However, sociolinguistic research has shown that this is not the case in formal speech, where the traditional European standard is more common. Despite this, many speakers use systematically in all situations, and Ostiguy and Tousignant hypothesize that these speakers tend to be less educated. It must be mentioned that a third vowel , though infrequent, also occurs. This is the vowel which has emerged as a new European standard in the last several decades for words in this category. According to Ostiguy and Tousignant, this pronunciation is seen as "affected", and Dumas writes that speakers using this pronunciation "run the risk of being accused of snobbery". Entirely analogous considerations apply to the three pronunciations of such words as chat, which can be pronounced , or .
- The diphthonged variants of such words as père (e.g., instead of , much closer to the Parisian norm) are not used by most speakers in formal situations. They have been explicitly and extensively stigmatized, and were, according to the official Quebec educational curricula of 1959 and 1969, among those pronunciation habits to be "corrected" in pupils. In informal situations, most speakers use these forms to some extent. However, they are viewed negatively, and their frequency is higher among uneducated speakers.
- Traditional pronunciations such as for poil (also , as in France; words in this category include avoine, (ils) reçoivent, noirci, etc. ) and for moi (now usually , as in France; this category consists of moi, toi, and verb forms such as (je) bois, (on) reçoit, but excludes québécois, toit, etc. which have only ever had the pronunciation ) are no longer used by many speakers, and are virtually absent from formal speech. They have long been the object of condemnation. Dumas writes that the pronunciations of words in the moi category have "even become the symbol and the scapegoat of bad taste, lack of education, vulgarity, etc., no doubt because they differ quite a bit from the accepted pronunciation, which ends in , [...]" On the other hand, writing in 1987, he considers in words in the poil group "the most common pronunciation".
- No doubt one of the most striking changes having affected Quebec French in recent decades is the displacement of the trilled r by the uvular r , originally from northern France, and similar acoustically to the Parisian velar r . Historically, the trilled r predominated in western Quebec, including Montreal, and the uvular r in eastern Quebec, including Quebec City, with an isogloss near Trois-Rivières. Elocution teachers and the clergy traditionally favoured the trilled r, which was nearly universal in Montreal until the 1950s and was perceived positively. But massive immigration from eastern Quebec beginning in the 1930s with the Great Depression, participation of soldiers in the Second World War, travel to Europe after the war, and especially use of the uvular r in radio and then television broadcasts, quickly reversed perceptions and favoured the spread of the uvular r. Trilled r is today in rapid decline. According to Ostiguy and Tousignant, this change has occurred within a single generation. The Parisian uvular r is also present in Quebec, and its use is positively correlated with socio-economic status.
Syntax
There are increasing differences between the syntax used in spoken Quebec French from the syntax of other regional dialects of French. In French-speaking Canada, however, the characteristic differences of Quebec French syntax are not considered standard despite their high-frequency in everyday, relaxed speech.
One far-reaching difference is the weakening of the syntactic role of the specifiers (both verbal and nominal), which results in many syntactic changes:
- Relative clauses (1) using "que" as an all-purpose relative pronoun, or (2) embedding interrogative pronouns instead of relative pronouns:
- J'ai trouvé le document que j'ai de besoin. (J'ai trouvé le document dont j'ai besoin.) I found / I've found the document I need.
- Je comprends qu'est-ce que tu veux dire. (Je comprends ce que tu veux dire.) I understand what you mean.
- Omission of the prepositions that collocate with certain verbs:
- J'ai un enfant à m'occuper. (Standard French: s'occuper de; J'ai un enfant dont je dois m'occuper.) I have a child (I need) to take care of.
- Ça débouche (Standard French: déboucher sur; Ça débouche sur une rue.)
- Plural conditioned by semantics:
- Le monde sont tannés des taxes. (Le monde en a assez des taxes.) Most everyone is fed up with taxes.
- A phenomenon throughout the Francophonie, dropping the "ne" of the double negative is accompanied, in Quebec French, by a change in word order (1), and (2) postcliticisation of direct pronouns (3) along with euphonic insertion of [z] liaisons to avoid vowel hiatus. This word order is also found in non-standard European French.
- Donne-moi-le pas. (Ne me le donne pas.) Don't give it to me.
- Dis-moi pas de m'en aller! (Ne me dis pas de m'en aller) Don't tell me I have to go.
- Donne-moi-z-en pas ! (Ne m'en donne pas!) Don't give me any!
Other notable syntactic changes in Quebec French include the following:
- Use of non-standard verbal periphrasis, (many of them archaisms):
- J'étais pour te le dire. (J'allais te le dire. / J'étais sur le point de te dire.) I was going/about to tell you about it.
- Avoir su, j'aurais... (Si j'avais su, j'aurais...) Had I known, I would have...
- J'étais après travailler quand ils sont arrivés. (J'étais en train de travailler quand ils sont arrivés.) I'd been working when they came.
- Mais que l'hiver finisse, je vais partir. (Dès que l'hiver finira, je partirai.) As soon as winter finishes, I will leave.
- Particle -tu used (1) to form tag questions, (2) sometimes to express exclamative sentences and (3) on other times it's used with excess, for instance:
- C'est-tu prêt? (Est-ce prêt? / C'est prêt? / Est-ce que c'est prêt?) Is it ready?
- On a-tu bien mangé! (Qu'est-ce qu'on a bien mangé!) We ate well, didn't we?
- T'as-tu pris tes pilules? (Est-ce que tu as pris tes médicaments?) Have you taken your medications?
- This particle is -ti (from Standard French "-t-il", often rendered as [ti]) in most varieties of North American French outside Quebec as well as in European varieties of français populaire as already noted by Gaston Paris. It is also found in the non-creole speech on the island of Saint-Barthelemy in the Caribbean.
- Extensive use of litotes:
- C'est pas chaud! (C'est frais!) It's not all too warm out!
- C'est pas laid pantoute! (Ce n'est pas laid du tout!) Isn't this nice! (literally: This is not ugly at all).
However, these features are common to all the basilectal varieties of français populaire descended from the 17th century koiné of Paris.
- Use of diminutives:
- Tu prendrais-tu un p'tit café? Une p'tite bière? Would you like to have a coffee? A beer?
Pronouns
In daily use, Quebec French speakers usually use a substantially different set of subjective pronouns in the nominative case than those traditionally used in standardized French:
- je/ tu/ y [i], a/ on/ vous/ y [i] (instead of je/ tu/ il, elle/ nous/ vous/ il(s), elle(s))
with ? when used with the verb and copula être
- In common with the rest of the Francophonie, there is a shift from nous to on in all registers. In post-Quiet Revolution Quebec, the use of informal tu has become widespread in many situations that normally call for semantically singular vous. While some schools are trying to re-introduce this use of vous, which is absent from most youths' speech, the shift from nous to on goes relatively unnoticed.
- The traditional use of on, in turn, is usually replaced by different use of pronouns or paraphrases, like in the rest of the Francophonie. The second person (tu, t') is usually used by speakers when referring to experiences that can happen in one's life:
- Quand t'es ben tranquille chez vous, à te mêler de tes affaires ...
- Other paraphrases using le monde, les gens are more employed when referring to overgeneralisations:
- Le monde aime pas voyager dans un autobus plein.
- As in the rest of la Francophonie, the sound [l] is disappearing in il, ils among informal registers and rapid speech. More particular to Quebec is the transformation of elle to [a] and less often written a and è or est in eye dialect. See more in Quebec French pronunciation.
- Absence of elles - For a majority of Quebec French speakers, elles is not used for the 3rd person plural pronoun, at least in the nominative case; it is replaced with the subject pronoun ils[i] or the stress/tonic pronoun eux(-autres). However, elles is still used in other cases (ce sont elles qui vont payer le prix).
- -autres In informal registers, the stress/tonic pronouns for the plural subject pronouns have the suffix –autres, pronounced and written –aut’ in eye dialect. Nous-autres, vous-autres, and eux-autres are comparable to the Spanish forms nos(otros/as) and vos(otros/as), yet the usage and meanings are different. One reason could be the Occitan language, which is geographically closer to French and was once spoken in Poitou and commonly uses nosautres/as and vosautres/as. Note that elles-autres does not exist.
Verbs
In their syntax and morphology, Quebec French verbs differ very little from the verbs of other regional dialects of French, both formal and informal. The distinctive characteristics of Quebec French verbs are restricted mainly to:
- Regularization
- In the present indicative, the forms of aller (to go) are regularized as in all singular persons: je vas, tu vas, il/elle va. Note that in 17th century French, what is today's international standard in je vais was considered substandard while je vas was the prestige form.
- In the present subjunctive of aller, the root is regularized as all- /al/ for all persons. Examples: que j'alle, que tu alles, qu'ils allent, etc. The majority of French verbs, regardless of dialect or standardization, display the same regularization. They therefore use the same root for both the imperfect and the present subjunctive: que je finisse vs. je finissais.
- Colloquially, in haïr (to hate), in the present indicative singular forms, the hiatus is found between two different vowels instead of at the onset of the verb's first syllable. This results in the forms: j'haïs, tu haïs, il/elle haït, written with a diaeresis and all pronounced with two syllables: . The "h" in these forms is silent and does not indicate a hiatus; as a result, je elides with haïs forming j'haïs. All the other forms, tenses, and moods of haïr contain the same hiatus regardless of register. However, in Metropolitan French and in more formal Quebec French, especially in the media, the present indicative singular forms are pronounced as one syllable and written without a diaresis: je hais, tu hais, il/elle hait.
- Differentiation
- In the present indicative of both formal and informal Quebec French, (s')asseoir (to sit/seat) only uses the vowel /wa/ in stressed roots and /e/ in unstressed roots: je m'assois, tu t'assois, il s'assoit, ils s'assoient but nous nous asseyons, vous vous asseyez. In Metropolitain French, stressed /wa/ and /je/ are in free variation as are unstressed /wa/ and /e/. Note that in informal Quebec French, (s')asseoir is often said as (s')assire.
- Quebec French has retained the ending for je/tu/il-elle/ils in the imperfect (the ending is written as -ais, -ait, -aient). In most other dialects, the ending is pronounced, instead, as a neutralized sound between and .
- Informal ils jousent (they play) is often heard for ils jouent and is most likely due to an old analogy with ils cousent (they sew). This is not commonly heard, because it was heavily criticised. Most people now say Ils jouent, which is the correct form instead of Ils jousent.
Vocabulary (lexis)
- See Quebec French lexicon for more examples and further explanation.
The distinctive features of the Quebec French lexis are:
- lexical items formerly common to both France and New France and that are today unique only to Quebec French; (This includes expressions and word forms that have the same form elsewhere in La Francophonie, yet have a different denotation or connotation.)
- borrowings from Amerindian languages, esp. place names;
- les sacres - Quebec French profanity (see separate article);
- many loanwords, calques and other borrowings from English in the 19th and 20th centuries, whether such borrowings are considered standard French or not;
- starting in the latter half of the 20th century, an enormous store of French neologisms (coinages) and re-introduced words via terminological work by professionals, translators, and the OLF; some of this terminology is "exported" to the rest of la Francophonie;
- feminized job titles and gender-inclusive language;
- morphological processes that have been more productive:
- suffixes: -eux/euse, -age, -able, and -oune
- reduplication (as in the international French word guéguerre): cacanne, gogauche, etc.
- reduplication plus -oune: chouchoune, gougounes, moumoune, nounoune, poupoune, toutoune.
Some Regional varieties of French in North America
Mixed languages and creoles formed from French (N.A. & the Caribbean)
See also
External links
|
| |
|
|
