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Invasion of Grenada
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The Invasion of Grenada, codenamed Operation Urgent Fury, was an invasion of the nation of Grenada, an island in the Caribbean Sea, 100 miles north of Venezuela, and over 1,500 miles southeast of the United States of America, by the combined force of troops from the United States (nearly 10,000 troops), Jamaica and members of the Regional Security System (RSS) (approximately 300 troops). After an internal power struggle which ended with the deposition and execution of Grenadian Prime Minister Maurice Bishop, the invasion began on October 25, 1983.
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The Invasion of Grenada, codenamed Operation Urgent Fury, was an invasion of the nation of Grenada, an island in the Caribbean Sea, 100 miles north of Venezuela, and over 1,500 miles southeast of the United States of America, by the combined force of troops from the United States (nearly 10,000 troops), Jamaica and members of the Regional Security System (RSS) (approximately 300 troops). After an internal power struggle which ended with the deposition and execution of Grenadian Prime Minister Maurice Bishop, the invasion began on October 25, 1983. The result was the defeat of Grenadian and Cuban resistance and the deposition of the military government of Hudson Austin.
The invasion was highly criticised by the United Kingdom, Canada and the United Nations General Assembly, which condemned it as "a flagrant violation of international law". Conversely, it was reported to have enjoyed broad public support in the United States as well as in segments of the population in Grenada. October 25 is a national holiday in Grenada, called Thanksgiving Day, to commemorate this event.
Background
Sir Eric Gairy had led Grenada to independence from the United Kingdom in 1974. His term in office coincided with civil strife in Grenada. The political environment was highly charged and although Gairy - head of the Grenada United Labour Party (GULP) - claimed victory in the general election of 1976, the opposition did not accept the result as legitimate. The civil strife took the form of street violence between government supporters and gangs organized by the New Jewel Movement. In the late 1970s, the NJM began planning to overthrow the government. Party members began to receive military training outside of Grenada. On March 13, 1979 while Gairy was out of the country, the NJM - led by Maurice Bishop - launched an armed revolution and overthrew Gairy's government, establishing the People's Revolutionary Government. Bishop then suspended the constitution and the New Jewel Movement ruled the country by decree, as Prime Minister of Grenada, until 1983. All other political parties were banned and no elections were to be held. Internationally, the government quickly aligned itself with Cuba and other communist governments.
On October 13, 1983, a party faction led by Deputy Prime Minister Bernard Coard seized power illegally. Bishop was placed under house arrest. Mass protests against the action led to Bishop escaping detention and reasserting his authority as the head of the government. Bishop was eventually captured and murdered along with several government officials loyal to him. The army under Hudson Austin then stepped in and formed a military council to rule the country. The Governor-General of Grenada, Paul Scoon, was placed under house arrest. The army announced a four-day total curfew where anyone seen on the streets would be subject to summary execution.
As the United States invaded, Cuba released a series of official documents to the press. According to these documents, when the murder of Maurice Bishop was reported on October 20, the government of Cuba declared that it was "deeply embittered" by the murder and rendered "deep tribute" to the assassinated leader. The same official statement reported instructions to Cubans in Grenada that "they should abstain absolutely from any involvement in the internal affairs of the Party and of Grenada," while attempting to maintain the "technical and economic collaboration that could affect essential services and vital economic assistance for the Grenadian people."
The Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) appealed to the United States, Barbados, and Jamaica for assistance. According to Mythu Sivapalan of the New York Times (October 29, 1983), this formal appeal was at the behest of the U.S. government, which had decided to take military action. U.S. officials cited the murder of Bishop and general political instability in a country near U.S. borders, as well as the presence of American medical students at St. George's University on Grenada, as reasons for military action. Sivapalan also claimed that the latter reason was cited in order to gain public support.
On October 22, 1983, Castro sent a message to Cuban representatives in Grenada, stressing that they should take no action in the event of a U.S. invasion unless they were "directly attacked." Referring to the Point Salines International Airport, the message ordered, if U.S. forces "land on the runway section near the university or on its surroundings to evacuate their citizens," Cubans were "to fully refrain from interfering."
On October 26, Alma Guillermoprieto reported in The Washington Post that at a "post-midnight news conference" with "almost 100 foreign and local journalists," Castro "released texts of what he said were diplomatic communications among Cuba, Grenada and the United States," giving the essential facts. U.S. sources "confirmed the exchange of messages," she added, but said they could not respond to Cuba at once because the telephone lines of the U.S. interest section in Havana were down from the evening of October 23 to late at night on October 24.
White House spokesman, Larry Speakes, said that "the U.S. disregarded Cuban and Grenadian assurances that U.S. citizens in Grenada would be safe because, 'it was a floating craps game and we didn't know who was in charge'." The same issue was reported by Alan Berger in The Boston Globe on the same day.
The airport
The Bishop government began constructing the Point Salines International Airport with the help of Britain, Cuba, Libya, Algeria, and other nations.
The airport had been first proposed by the British government in 1954, when Grenada was still a colony. It had been designed by Canadians, underwritten by the British government, and partly built by a London firm. The U.S. government accused Grenada of constructing facilities to aid a Soviet-Cuban military build-up in the Caribbean, and to assist Soviet and Cuban transports in transporting weapons to Central American insurgents. Bishop’s government claimed that the airport was built to accommodate commercial aircraft carrying tourists, pointing out that such jets could not land at the existing airport on the island’s north. Neither could the existing airport, itself, be expanded as its runway abutted a mountain.
In 1982, then-Member of the United States House of Representatives Ron Dellums traveled to Grenada on a fact-finding mission to Grenada, having been invited by the Prime Minister of Grenada. Grenada was building an airstrip that U.S. administration officials claimed could be used for Soviet military aircraft. Dellums traveled to Grenada on his own fact-finding mission and described his findings before Congress:
...based on my personal observations, discussion and analysis of the new international airport under construction in Grenada, it is my conclusion that this project is specifically now and has always been for the purpose of economic development and is not for military use.... It is my thought that it is absurd, patronizing and totally unwarranted for the United States Government to charge that this airport poses a military threat to the United States’ national security.
In March 1983, President Reagan began issuing warnings about the threat posed to the United States by the "Soviet-Cuban militarization" as evidenced by the runway being built. Pointing to the runway and the oil storage tanks, he asserted that these were unnecessary for commercial flights, and that it meant that the airport was to become a Cuban-Soviet airbase.
The invasion
The invasion, which commenced at 05:00 on October 25, was the first major operation conducted by the U.S. military since the Vietnam War.
Vice Admiral Joseph Metcalf, III, Commander Second Fleet, was the overall commander of the U.S. forces, designated Joint Task Force 120, which was put under the planning and operational control of Commander Timothy J. Coughlin for tactics, invasion force management and force implementation. Fighting continued for several days and the total number of American troops reached some 7,000 along with 300 troops from the OECS. The invading forces encountered about 1,500 Grenadian soldiers and about 700 Cubans, most of whom were construction workers. Also present were 60 advisors from the Soviet Union, North Korea, East Germany, Bulgaria, and Libya.
Official U.S. sources state that the defenders were well-prepared, well-positioned and put up stubborn resistance, to the extent that the U.S. called in two battalions of reinforcements on the evening of October 26. However, the total naval and air superiority of the invading forces — including helicopter gunships and naval gunfire support — proved to be significant advantages.
Nearly eight thousand soldiers, sailors, airmen, and Marines had participated in URGENT FURY along with 353 Caribbean allies
of the CPF. U.S. forces had sustained 19 killed and 116 wounded; Cuban forces lost 25 killed, 59 wounded and 638 personnel
captured. Grenadian forces casualties were 45 killed and 358 wounded; at least 24 civilians were killed.
Reaction in the United States
A month after the invasion, Time magazine described it as having "broad popular support." A congressional study group concluded that the invasion had been justified, as most members felt that American students at the University near a contested runway could have been taken hostage as U.S. diplomats in Iran had been four years previously. The group's report caused House Speaker Tip O'Neill to change his position on the issue from opposition to support.
However, some members of the study group dissented from its findings. Congressman Louis Stokes stated: "Not a single American child nor single American national was in any way placed in danger or placed in a hostage situation prior to the invasion." The Congressional Black Caucus denounced the invasion and seven Democratic congressmen, led by Ted Weiss, attempted to impeach Reagan.
International opposition and criticism
By a vote of 122 in favour to 9 (Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados, Dominica, El Salvador, Israel, Jamaica, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, Grenada, and the United States) with 27 abstentions, the United Nations General Assembly adopted General Assembly resolution 38/7 which "deeply deplores the armed intervention in Grenada, which constitutes a flagrant violation of international law and of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of that State". The Government of China termed the United States intervention an outright act of hegemonism. The USSR Government observed that Grenada had for a long time been the object of United States threats, that the invasion violated international law, and that no small nation not to the liking of the United States would find itself safe if the aggression against Grenada was not rebuffed. The governments of some countries stated that the United States intervention was a return to the era of barbarism. The governments of other countries said the United States by its invasion had violated several treaties and conventions to which it was a party.
A similar resolution was discussed in the United Nations Security Council and although receiving widespread support it was ultimately vetoed by the United States.
Grenada was part of the Commonwealth of Nations with Queen Elizabeth II as its Head of State and, following the invasion, it requested help from other Commonwealth members. The invasion was opposed by the United Kingdom, Trinidad & Tobago and Canada, among others. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher personally opposed the U.S. invasion, and her Foreign Secretary, Geoffrey Howe, announced to the House of Commons on the day before the invasion that he had no knowledge of any possible U.S. intervention. Ronald Reagan, President of the United States, assured Thatcher that an invasion was not contemplated. Reagan later said, "She was very adamant and continued to insist that we cancel our landings on Grenada. I couldn't tell her that it had already begun."
After the invasion, Prime Minister Thatcher wrote to President Reagan: This action will be seen as intervention by a Western country in the internal affairs of a small independent nation, however unattractive its regime. I ask you to consider this in the context of our wider East-West relations and of the fact that we will be having in the next few days to present to our Parliament and people the siting of Cruise missiles in this country...I cannot conceal that I am deeply disturbed by your latest communication. The full text remains classified.
Aftermath
Following the U.S. victory, Grenada's Governor-General Paul Scoon announced the resumption of the constitution and appointed a new government. U.S. forces remained in Grenada after combat operations finished in December. Elements remaining included military police, special forces, and a specialized intelligence detachment.
The invasion showed problems with the U.S. government's "information apparatus," which Time described as still being in "some disarray" three weeks after the invasion. For example, the U.S. State Department falsely claimed that a mass grave had been discovered that held 100 bodies of islanders who had been killed by Communist forces. Major General Norman Schwarzkopf, deputy commander of the invasion force, said that 160 Grenadian soldiers and 71 Cubans had been killed during the invasion; the Pentagon had given a much lower count of 59 Cuban and Grenadian combat deaths. Ronald H. Cole's report for the Joint Chiefs of Staff showed even an lower count.
Also of concern were the problems that the invasion showed with the military. There was a lack of intelligence about Grenada, which exacerbated the difficulties faced by the quickly assembled invasion force. For example, it was not known that the students were actually at two different campuses and there was a thirty-hour delay in rescuing students at the second campus. Maps provided to soldiers on the ground were rudimentary, did not show contour or relief, and were not marked with crucial positions. The US Navy ships providing naval gunfire and US Marine and Navy fighter bomber support, as well as US Air Force aircraft providing close air support mistakenly fired upon and killed US ground forces due to differences in maps and location coordinates, datum, and methods of calling for fire support. The landing strip was drawn-in by hand on the map given to some members of the invasion force. Analysis by the U.S. Department of Defense showed a need for improved communications and coordination between the different branches of the Armed Forces. Congressional investigations of many of the reported problems resulted in the most important legislative change affecting the U.S. military organization, doctrine, career progression, and operating procedures since the end of World War II - The Goldwater-Nichols Department of Defense Reorganization Act of 1986 (Pub.L.99-433). The Goldwater-Nichols Act made the most sweeping changes to the United States Department of Defense since the department was established in the National Security Act of 1947. The Goldwater-Nichols Act reworked the command structure of the United States military. It increased the powers of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and created the concept of truly unified Joint US forces (i.e., Army, Air Force, Marines, and Navy forces organized under one command). One of the first reorganizations resulting from both the Department of Defense analysis and the legislation was the formation of the U.S. Special Operations Command in 1987.
In 2008, the Government of Grenada announced a move to build a monument to honour the Cubans killed during the Grenada invasion. At the time of the announcement the Cuban and Grenadian government are still seeking to locate a suitable site for the monument.
A somewhat fictionalized account of the invasion is shown in the 1986 Clint Eastwood movie, Heartbreak Ridge.
Order of battle
U.S. and allied land forces
U.S.:
** The 75th Ranger Regiment had not been formed at the time of Operation Urgent Fury. Both existing Ranger battalions, 1st Battalion (Ranger), 75th Infantry and 2nd Battalion (Ranger), 75th Infantry, took part in the operation. A year later both units were incorporated into the newly formed 75th Ranger Regiment.
U.S. naval forces
Amphibious Squadron Four
USS Guam, USS Barnstable County, USS Manitowoc, USS Fort Snelling, USS Trenton
Independence Task Group
USS Independence, USS Richmond K. Turner, USS Coontz, USS Caron, USS Moosbrugger, USS Clifton Sprague, USS Suribachi with the Invasion Tactical Planning and Hands On Operational Control conducted by Commander Timothy J. Coughlin and the Air Staff of the USS Independence
In addition, the following ships supported naval operations: USS America, USS Aquila, USS Aubrey Fitch, USS Briscoe, USS Portsmouth, USS Recovery, USS Saipan, USS Sampson, USS Samuel Eliot Morison, USS Taurus, and USCGC Chase
Caribbean Peace Force (CPF)
External links
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- - a 1984 comic book about the invasion written by the CIA.
- Ronald H. Cole. The Planning and Execution of Joint Operations in Grenada, 12 October - 2 November 1983.
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Joint History Office
Office of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff
Washington, DC 1997
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