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Ignacy Ewaryst Daszynski [] (October 26, 1866 - October 31, 1936) was the Polish politician, journalist and Prime Minister of the Polish government created in Lublin in 1918. He was the co-originator of Polish Social Democratic Party (Polish abbreviation: PPSD) that later transformed into Polish Socialist Party (PPS). He was also one of the founders of the Centrolew (“Center-Left”) in 1929. During the May Coup, he supported Józef Pilsudski; however, later he joined Pilsudski’s opposition.
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Ignacy Ewaryst Daszynski [] (October 26, 1866 - October 31, 1936) was the Polish politician, journalist and Prime Minister of the Polish government created in Lublin in 1918. He was the co-originator of Polish Social Democratic Party (Polish abbreviation: PPSD) that later transformed into Polish Socialist Party (PPS). He was also one of the founders of the Centrolew (“Center-Left”) in 1929. During the May Coup, he supported Józef Pilsudski; however, later he joined Pilsudski’s opposition. From 1928 to 1930, he was the Speaker of the Sejm. As the journalist and underground activist he used the pseudonyms: Daszek, Zegota, Ignis.
Early life
Ignacy Daszynski was born on 26th October 1866 in Zbarazh in Podolia area (now in Ternopil Oblast), which was then after the Partitions of Poland, a part of the Austrian Empire. He came from not very rich family of the gentry that cherished patriotic traditions. He was son of the Austrian clerk Ferdynand Daszynski (1816-1875) and Kamila née Mierzewska (1834-1895), who had together also three sons and one daughter: Tomasz, Piotr, Feliks and Zofia. Ferdynand Daszynski was married in the past and Ignacy had also half-siblings but as he claimed they were much older and they did not contact with children from their father's second marriage.
During the January Uprising, Daszynski’s father (who was an Austrian clerk) had to check if no weapon or insurgents were hidden in the local buildings. Still, before every checking he informed his wife about planned revisions so she could warn the people hidden there.
In 1872, Daszynski started his education in Franciscan’s School in Zbarazh. He was very good student because he already knew how to read and write. Moreover, as he grew up in the multicultural environment he also knew several languages. Since he was a child, Ignacy could speak Ukrainian and Yiddish and he understood German.
On 6th December 1875, Daszynski’s father died and the family moved to Ivano Frankivsk. To improve their financial situation, Daszynski’s mother rented flats to secondary school students. Two years later, Ignacy started his education in gymnasium where he earned money by giving his colleagues private lessons. At that time, he was under a strong influence of his older brother Feliks, who thought him how to be a good Polish patriot. Together they performed their own, small conspiratorial action. Feliks wrote an anniversary poem in honour of Maurycy Goslawski, the poet who fought in the November Uprising. Ignacy Daszynski copied the poem and scattered those copies around the grave of the poet. The Austrian police started an investigation. Feliks was arrested while Ignacy was released pending trial. However, they both were acquitted. Feliks still did not abandon his conspiratorial activity. He created conspiratorial group that gathered Polish and Ukrainian teenagers from Ivano Frankivsk area. Ignacy participated in the group by establishing its rules.
In 1882, Ignacy Daszynski gave a patriotic speech to students during the long break in his gymnasium. In the consequence, he was expelled from school and his family did not have an easy life in Ivano Frankivsk any more. Their financial situation broke down and they had to move to Lviv. Feliks started to study chemistry at the Lviv Polytechnic. Soon, Ignacy and his mother had to move again. They went to Drohobych where he began his first job as a lawyer’s secretary (no gymnasium wanted to enrol him). Also there for the first time Daszynski met the working class. Soon, he started to write for leftist biweekly Gazeta Naddniestrzanska where he wrote about hard condition of workers employed by petroleum industries in Ivano Frankivsk and Drohobych.
The atmosphere of Drohobych was calling me to rebel. The brutality of sinister rascals who were making then their careers in Drohobych was so evident and public that you did not have to be a socialist to hate their felonious ‘production’ based on the natural treasures of the Mother Earth and on boundless exploitation of several thousand peasants who dig up a mineral wax in Boryslav.
In September 1884, when his mother moved to Przemysl, Ignacy was left alone in Lviv. Again, he was refused to be enrolled to gymnasium so still he learned alone at home.
Political activity
At that time, his socialistic political views were already shaping. In 1886, Ignacy Daszynski became a tutor of his parents' friends at an estate. On 8th April 1888, he was allowed to pass the Matura without attending the classes. He received his diploma on 22nd September 1888 and he was allowed to go to University. He became a student of philosophy department at Jagiellonian University in Cracow. Thanks to his brother Feliks, who at that time stayed in Switzerland, Ignacy was in touch with Cracovian socialists. In 1889, he met Ludwik Kulczycki whom he helped in delivering socialist brochures to the Congress Poland.
Soon, Daszynski had to abandon his studies because of a poor financial situation. He became the tutor again and he started working under false name for family of Gniazdowski from Czarnostaw. Unfortunately, he did not stay there for long. On the 3rd of May 1889, Ignacy Daszynski was arrested by the Russian police. He spent half a year in jail in Pultusk because he was mistaken with his older brother (Feliks) who was engaged in socialist movement (he attended the Congress of the Second International in Paris). At that time, socialist were oppressed by the authority of the Russian Empire. When Ignacy was released from jail and expelled from the Congress Poland, he went back to Cracow. He was there again accused of illegal political activities but he was let off because of the statue of limitations. He went back at University but after joining the demonstration he had to give up his studies again. These events influenced his decision about emigration to Argentina.
Before leaving Europe, Ignacy Daszynski went to Switzerland to visit his brother Feliks who had a tuberculosis and was curing in Davos. After meeting his brother, he went to Paris to buy a ticket for a ship to Argentina but on 9th April 1890 he was informed of Feliks’s death. After this tragedy, Stanislaw Mendelson and Aleksander Debski persuade him not to emigrate. Then he decided to study in Switzerland and he was admitted to the University of Zurich. During his education, he was supported by Mendelson who was giving him 60 pounds per month.
In Switzerland, Daszynski continued his brother’s socialist activity. He was one of the founders of Polish Working Class Association “Zgoda” (Stowarzyszenie Robotników Polskich “Zgoda”). He collaborated with Julian Marchlewski, Róza Luksemburg and Gabriel Narutowicz. His greatest achievements of that time was creating order-keeping services that protected socialist demonstrations. The ceremony of moving Adam Mickiewicz’s ashes to Poland turned into such demonstration during which Marchelewski gave a speech.
Daszynski got back to his homeland in October, 1890. He first stayed in Cracow and than moved to Lviv where he created the managerial centre of socialist movement in Galicia . He started a collaboration with Ukrainian socialist activists and attended the founding meeting of the Russian-Ukrainian Radical Party (Rusko-Ukrainska Partia Radykalna) where he met poet, Ivan Franko.
In the Polish Social Democratic Party
Daszynski wanted to unite all the Working Class Movements of Galicia. Particular groups were connected with two newspapers: Praca or Robotnik; he himself was the Praca journalist. At the meeting on 7th November 1890 in Lviv, social activists decided to create the official and legal Labour Party. The next step was establishing the new socialist association (educational-relief) “Sila” on 15th February 1891. When organization grew bigger it reached Ivano Frankivsk and Cracow. At that time, Daszynski was very active as journalist and politician. He delivered speeches at many veches (like election veche on the 1st of May 1891 in Lviv) and published the political brochure Political Parties of Galicia (O partiach politycznych w Galicji) under the pseudonym: Zegota on 30th April 1891. After the publication, he was accused of the underground organization affiliation but since the Socialist Party had legal form, accusation was dismissed. In June, he became the Galician delegate to the Social Democratic Party of Austrian congress in Vienna.
From 16th to 23rd April 1891, Daszynski was leading a delegation of Polish socialists from divided Poland on the Congress of the Second International in Brussels. Then he went to Berlin where he became an editor-in-chief of the Polish newspaper Gazeta Robotnicza. He worked there for six months and when he was leaving Berlin he was arrested by Germans and accused of publication of the seditious articles. However, while they could not prove that Daszynski was the author, he was released and allowed to further travel.
At the beginning of 1892, he went to Lviv where he played an important role on the First Convention of the Polish Social Democratic Party of Galicia (I Zjazd Galicyjskiej Partii Socjalno-Demokratycznej). He delivered a speech about political program and tactic of the party. On his way back, he was arrested again and spent 10 days in jail in Cracow. After he was released, he went back to Lviv.
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He attended the Third Congress of Austrian Socialists. He wanted to separate Polish Social Democratic Party from the Austrian organizations by emphasizing pro-independence postulates in political program of the party which was based on the ideology of Marxism. It aimed to put socialism into practice by cancelling privet property of capital goods. The first steps to achieve this aim were democratization of the election procedures (liquidation of bourgeoisie privileges) and introducing the eight hour work day. Daszynski’s dreams of separate and independent Polish party (partially) came true when in 1892 in Polish Socialist Party (Polska Partia Socjalistyczna) came into being.
At that time, Daszynski met and fell in love with Felicja Nossig-Próchnik, they had a son, Adam Póchnik. Between 1892 and 1893, he lived in Carpathian Mountains where he was resting. In 1893, Daszynski moved to Cracow where he became the editor of socialist newspaper Naprzód. In March 1893, he attended The Second Socialist Congress in Cracow. The police interrupted the meeting and Daszynski spent five days in jail. In October, he moved to Lviv again where he published the brochure The Short History of the Development of the Galician Sicialist Party (from May 1890 to May 1894) (Krótka historia rozwoju partii socjalistycznej w Galicji (od maja 1890 do 1 maja 1894)). Meanwhile, he moved to Cracow and became the editor of Naprzód again. Later, he attended the Third Socialist Congress of Galicia and Silesia and published another brochure entitled Bankruptcy of the Galician Democracy (Bankructwo demokracji galicyjskiej) where he strongly criticized bourgeoisie.
In 1895, Ignacy Daszynski’s mother died. In 1896, as a socialist activist Daszynski attended the International Congress in London. In Autumn, Pole who was Minister-President of Austria, Count Kazimierz Badeni partly reformed the electoral law. Thanks to those changes, 72 Members of Parliament were to be elected in universal suffrage. Ignacy Daszynski believed that it is a chance for socialist ideology to become more popular as well as a chance to fight for his ideology in parliament. Constituencies were divided in such way that they included towns and villages. Daszynski was the candidate from the Cracow constituency where he received 75% of all votes. He was supported by workers, peasants, students and many Jews. In 1897, Ignacy Daszynski became a member of parliament and in the same year he married an actress Maria Paszkowska in Vienna.
In Austrian Parliament
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After entering parliament, Daszynski became chairman of parliamentarian club which numbered 15 members.
In 1898, authorities introduced the state of emergency in a part of Western Galicia It's aim was to weaken working-class movement, most liberties like freedom of assembly were limited. Daszynski was fighting against such activity e.g. by giving famous speech on the 22nd of November in which he protested against government's actions. Later, he supported worker's strike actions but he emphasized that they need to be lead legally. He was engaged also in democratization of electoral law in parliament (i.a. he postulated abolition of curial voting).
Daszynki was a great speaker, his speeches attracted masses. He was attacking conservatives and President-Minister Badeni. He took part in huge manifestation in Vienna in 1898. In the resulted, Badeni was dismissed from his position by the emperor.
In 1990, Daszynski was chosen again to the Council of State. In his activity, he focused on circumventing censorship because as a publicist he was subjected to limitation of freedom of speech but as parliamentarian he was not. That is why he could present his articles in parliament even though they were confiscated by censors. They were presented as interpellations which could be printed by press without limitations.
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The Council of Cracow
On 12th May 1902, Daszynski became the Council of Cracow. During his activity in Town Council, he focused on struggle with conservatives and loyalists. On first council-board, he turned to his political opponents with such words:
Joint-stock companionship of electoral hyenas! It's the end of nap!
Daszynski was also engaged in social matters and issues connected with Cracovian infrastructure. He was the member of municipal committees dealing with industrial, coal and floatable canals affairs. After outbreak of a revolution in 1905, he took part in demonstration on Market Square in Cracow on the 2nd of February 1905 during which he burned a portrait of the emperor. Police which tried to disperse demonstrators did not success in seizing the council. In 1907, parliament passed a new electoral law which allowed all men above 24 to take part in voting in election to Council of State. In May of the same year, socialists achieved considerable electoral success while conservatives lost significant amount of parliamentarian representation.
1912 – 1918
in Cracow.]]
Just before World War I, PPSD came into agreement with Józef Pilsudski's Polish Socialist Party-Revolutionary Faction (PPS-Frakcja Rewolucyjna). They decided that in oncoming conflict Poles should support Central Powers what would possibly effect in creating Austria-Hungary-Poland in the future. Daszynski was one of authors of PPSD's resolution in which he claimed that:
As legal deputy of Polish Nation, we declare a belief that in possible Austria-Hungary and Russian conflict, which outbreak is out of our influence, all forces of Polish Nation should be turned against Russian emperor, who is irreconcilable and cruel oppressor of great majority of out nation.
Daszynski declared for joining Polish paramilitary troops (mainly “Strzelec”) by members of socialist parties. Thanks to such activity, those organisations were recognized by Austrian authorities as legally working. In November 1912, PPS-Frakcja Rewolucyjna and PPSD joined Temporary Commission of Confederated Independence Parties (Tymczasowa Komicja Skonfederowanych Stronnictw Niepodleglosciowych). Galician socialists were hoping to evoke uprising after the outbreak of war on the area of Kingdom of Poland.
In August 1914, when conflict started, he put on his rifle uniform to become deputy military commissary in Miechów for few days. He unsuccessfully tried to spur the population to fight with Russia and he quickly returned to politics. After creating Supreme National Committee by parliamentarian Kolo Polskie, Daszynski became on of the members of Executive Department. This unit made a decision about forming Polish Volunteer Army that is Polish Legions.
In his opinion, Poland should search for support from Austria-Hungary. He could not clearly judge the Act of the 5thNovember which would guarantee creating independent Kingdom of Poland. On the one hand, he was satisfied by the fact that the act was proclaiming Polish statehood but on the other hand he felt angry that it was separating issue of Russian partition from Galicia. However, he participated in work upon future constitution. On 28th May 1917, he voted in Austrian parliament for Polish People's Party “Piast” (PSL “Piast") proposal which claimed that the only desire of Polish Nation is regaining independent and united Poland with an access to the see. Under the influence of legionary crisis and imprisonment of Pilsudski in July 1917 (in Magdeburg), Daszynski moved to stronger opposition of Austria-Hungary Monarchy. On the 22nd of January 1918, he stated in parliament that Galicia wants to join united and independent Poland.
At the end of September 1918, from his initiative Polish members of parliament prepared and negotiated with National Democracy an proposal which was introduced to Austrian parliament on the 2nd of October 1918. In this proposal, they demanded restoration of independent Polish state composed of areas from three partitions and of own seashore and Silesia. They also recognized case of Poland as international matter and postulated participation of Poland in pacific convention which would “decide the case of Poland.” Daszynski gave his last speech in 3rd of October 1918. He stated then that:
Poles all together declare that they want national right to all three partitions arisen from the rape on Poland: all three partitions should be joined and announced as independent country but this unification and this independence needs to be achieved due to international law on international pacific convention.
Government of Ignacy Daszynski
painted by Stanislaw Lentz]]
On 15th October, Daszynski together with other Poles from Austrian parliament passed a document in which they declared to consider themselves Polish citizens. The end of October was the time of first signs of Austria-Hungary collapse. On 28th October, Daszynski became the board member of Polish Liquidation Committee (Wincenty Witos as leader), which was located in Cracow and then in Lviv. Even though Austrian and German occupants called into being Regency Council which aim was to subordinate Committee, Witos and Daszynski managed to thwart those plans.
On the night between 6th and 7th November 1918, Daszynski became the Prime Minister of Temporary Government of Polish People's Republic (Tymczasowy Rzad Ludowy Republiki Polskiej) in Lublin on the areas of Congress Poland earlier occupied by Austria. The members of this government were i.a. Wincenty Witos, Tomasz Arciszewski, Jedrzej Moraczewski, and Stanislaw Thugutt. Government's programme was presented in Manifesto which was full of revolutionary phrases. It called for people, workers and peasants, to take power in their own hands and build the house of independent and united People's Republic of Poland. According to Manifesto, all citizens would receive equality of political and civil rights that is freedom of conscience, print, speech, assembly, parade, union and strike. Within the framework of improving social conditions, there was promised eight hour working day in industry, trade and craft as well as nationalization of mines and great land possessions. Future country was intended to have form of democratic parliamentarian republic.
Eventually, Daszynski's government was subordinated to Józef Pilsudski on 14th November. On the same day, Pilsudski commended Daszynski to formulate government but he stressed the need to strengthen effectiveness own cabinet's work through participation of prominent powers no matter for political beliefs and he forbade radical social reforms because establishing law is a duty of Legislative Sejm. However, Daszynski did not accomplish his mission due to right wing opposition, three days later he handed in his resignation. The next day, press published a letter from Pilsudski in which he thanked Daszynski for truly civil work that he made to help creating the first Polish government. Pilsudski stressed that Daszynski did not hesitate to sacrifice himself for the good of the cause only to reach an agreement of divergent factors.
The Member of the Polish Parliament
(right) and Ignacy Daszynski, vicepremier]]
Daszynski stood for first post-war election to Polish Sejm using following slogan: First Legislative Sejm is the First Administrator of Homeland, its builder, the source of law and power. Sejm is Free, Independent and United Poland. Legislative Sejm was entered by 36 members of PPSD and PPS who created parliamentarian club named Zwiazek Polskich Poslów Socjalistycznych. Soon, Daszynski became its president and also joined convention of seniors.
During the term of Legislative Sejm, he focused on promoting socialistic programme. He opted for nationalization of some industrial sections that is creating public monopolies e.g. in coal or spirit sector. He postulated improvement of working conditions and defended labour law as well as he supported development of cooperative movement and education of peasants and workers.
On 26th April 1919, PPSD, PPS and PPS Zabór Pruski united and formed unitary PPS. Daszynski joined party's General Council and became one of its chairmen. At the same time, he was an editor of PPS's Bulletin Official du Partii Socialiste Polonaise written in French and also of weekly magazine Trybuna. After the outbreak Polish-Soviet War, Daszynski was for concluding peace as fast as possible. He was against calling the Council of National Defence into being and named it as shortening the Sejm. However, on 24th July, Daszynski joined Government of National Defence (Rzad Obrony Narodowej) and he filled the position of Deputy Prime Minister (Witos was Prime Minister). He thought that this step (including leaders of peasants and socialists) would increase the number of recruits. After victory in the Battle of the Niemen River, Daszynski was more and more in conflict with the rest of government, especially with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Socialist leader criticized diplomatic posts' staff and Polish policy on East (i.a. Tadeusz Rozwadowski's offensive plans). On 15th December, General Council of PPS asked Prime Minister to dismiss Daszynski but he resigned himself on 18th December. Prime Minister accepted it very unwillingly just on 4th January 1921.
After leaving government, Daszynski focused on work upon passing a principal act. On 17th March 1921, Legislative Sejm adopted March Constitution of Poland after what it dissolved itself. Socialistic leader contributed to democratic character of constitution (e.g. conservatives proposed that Senate would be joined by members according to their actual position not involving election, PPS was against such practice).
Vice-Speaker of the Sejm (1922-1927)
On 5th November 1922, Daszynski was again elected the Member of the Parliament. He received 52.874 votes in constituencies: Cracow county, Chrzanów, Auschwitz, Olkusz and Miechów. On 9th December, Daszynski was put himself forward as a candidate for President by his party. He received only 49 votes. Gabriel Narutowicz became the President, which met with disappointment of the right wing (Narutowicz was elected i.a. by members who represented national minorities). On the inauguration day of the President-elect, Daszynski and Boleslaw Limanowski, who were going on ceremony, were battered by the right wing fighting squads and forced to barricade themselves in the gate of one of the houses. Daszynski later demanded clarification on those events. He wrote:
“Polish political life cannot be an African jungle, in which a dozen of class' rogues scour. (...) Your fascism, either die in Poland breaking its head on democracy, or Poland will boil with a civil war.”
After the assassination of President Narutowicz made by Eligiusz Niewiadomski, the National Democracy (“Endecja”) advocate, the Socialists planned to take revenge on the right wing activists. Daszynski objected to this reasoning and forbade the further escalation of the violence.
On the 21st of December 1922, at the meeting of the General Council, PPS tabled a proposal to set up a nationwide worker's educational organization – Towarzystwo Uniwersytetu Robotniczego (TUR). Already on the 21st of January 1923, the Board of Directors of TUR, headed by Daszynski, constituted. He upheld this position until his death. The creation of TUR was one of the most important personal achievements of Daszynski. As he later described:
"On the moment of independence of Poland, there appeared a disproportion between preparing masses to civil life and the adequate possibility of using the acts, which resulted in the first weeks of independence of Poland. This discordance led to the tragedy of the murder committed on the first President of the Republic of Poland(...) At that time, TUR came into being (...) – it was connected with the idea of bringing the working class to the sufficient stage of development to be able to face the obscurity. We do not practice a party campaign (within TUR) protecting ourselves from anything that would deter our members from quiet gaining of knowledge"
In February 1923, Daszynski fainted during his speech in the Sejm, which resulted in his withdrawal from ongoing operations (in September 1926 he took the floor in the Parliament again). Despite staying at the sanatoriums, he focused on journalism and writing memoirs. Despite the state of his health, during the 19th Congress of PPS (30 December 1923 - 1 January 1924) Daszynski was re-elected the chairman of the General Council of PPS. At the 20th Congress of PPS (31 December 1925 - 3 January 1926) he was elected once again.
On 26th November 1925, after the entry of Jedrzej Moraczewski to the Government of Aleksander Skrzynski, Daszynski took up the function of Vice-Speaker of the Sejm left by Moraczewski. At first, Daszynski supported the participation of PPS in Skrzynski’s Government but the politics he run (increasing unemployment, hyperinflation) and his projects resulted in sharp criticism. On 20th April 1926, PPS withdrew from the government which soon led to its collapse. On 10th May 1926, in place of Skrzynski’s Government, the right-wing government of Wincenty Witos was established, towards which PPS stood in opposition.
On 12th May 1926, Józef Pilsudski made an armed attack later called "May Coup". Just a month after the coup, Daszynski attacked the new government especially its project of a new Constitution. Its aim was to reduce the role of the legislature. Later, in his brochure, he stated:
"After several years the supremacy,Legislative Sejm led to the collapse of the Sejm and contributed to the supremacy of the government (...) Days of May became the starting point of the growing strength and power of government, while weakening Legislative factor: Parliament (...) The state teeters between two abnormal and harmful states. It is high time we brought it to the balance and harmonious cooperation of the legislature and the executive"
On 10th November 1926, at the motion of Daszynski, CKW PPS took the "factual-oppositional" position towards the Government of Józef Pilsudski. On 20th December 1926, after a stormy debate, the General Council of PPS took a similar position indicating that:
“PPS opposition does not aim to overthrow the Prime Minister and the Speaker Pilsudski but to reconstruct his cabinet by removing monarchist and reactionary elements and to change the economic policy, what is the demand of the working class; moreover, to change the internal policy, especially as far as the national minorities are concerned. The change of the position of the government in the future will be factually judged by PPS”.
Appointing the Vilnius conservatives ("bisons"): Aleksander Meysztowicz and Karol Niezabytowski to the government caused the particular objections in PPS. At the same time, Daszynski took the lead of a new PPS's magazine Pobudka.
On 28th November 1927, the President Ignacy Moscicki dissolved the Sejm and Senate.
1927-1936
In March 1928, PPS achieved 14% of the votes and 64 seats in the parliamentary elections. Daszynski received 77.470 votes in his constituency (Cracow, Chrzanów, Auschwitz, Olkusz, Miechów) representing an increase of 50% compared to the year 1922.
On 27th March 1928, at the first meeting of the parliament, Daszynski defeated Kazimierz Bartel, the representative of The Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government (BBWR) and Aleksander Zwierzynski of National Populist Union in the election for the Speaker of the Sejm. He received 177 votes in the first round and 206 in the second (54.4%). After the election, Daszynski renounced his party functions: the chairman of PPS General Council and editor-in-chief of Pobudka but still remained the leader of the Board of TUR.
The choice of Daszynski for the Speaker of the Sejm caused the aggravation in the relations between government and parliament. The reason of the conflict was called "Czechowicz's case" after Gabriel Czechowicz, the Minister of Treasury who was accused of overdrawing the budget for the year 1928. Some amount of money came from the disposable fund of the Prime Minister. However, the money was used by the BBWR during the election campaign. The Sejm passed a proposal to bring Czechowicz before the State Tribunal but did not venture to bring Pilsudski himself to account for it. Despite this, in June 1928 Daszynski met Pilsudski and proposed him to form the BBWR, PPS and PSL "Liberation" (“Wyzwolenie”) coalition. However, Pilsudski rejected this offer. As a result, in mid-September 1929, the Centrolew was created – the alliance of six parliamentary camps opposing the sanitation.
to president Ignacy Moscicki.]]
On 31st October 1929, an open conflict between Józef Pilsudski and the Parliament took place at the pointed meeting of the budget session of the Sejm. Instead of Prime Minister Kazimierz Switalski, arrived the Minister of Military Affairs Józef Pilsudski with more than a hundred officers. The members of the Parliament thought that Pilsudski sent the soldiers in order to arrest them. After the meeting of the senior convention, Daszynski as the Speaker of the Sejm refused to start the meeting. Then the sharp talk between Pilsudski and Daszynski took place, which according to general Felicjan Slawoj Skladkowski run as follows:
Mr Pilsudski: - Well, hold your tongue, please (a strong slam on the table) and I am asking you, whether you intend to open a session?
Mr Daszynski: - Under threat of using the bayonets, revolvers and sabres I will not open.
Mr Pilsudski: - It is your last word?
Mr Daszynski: - Yes, sir.
Mr Pilsudski: - It is your last word?
Mr Daszynski: - Yes, sir.
Mr Pilsudski takes a little bow and without shaking hands with Daszynski he leaves cabinet. Passing through the Sejm parlor he says loudly: What a fool.
The versions of this conversation are different depending on the sources. However, on the 31st of October in the evening, the Speaker delivered a following statement:
Under threats of the sabres of the 2nd Lt officers I cancel today's meeting
November session of the Sejm was postponed by President Ignacy Moscicki, while on 5th December 1929 the members of the newly created Centrolew outvoted 243 to 119 a vote of non-confidence to the government of Prime Minister Switalski.
On 29th March 1930, Daszynski withdrew the Czechowicz's case from debate under the pressure of the members of BBWR in order not to escalate the conflict with Józef Pilsudski.
On 29th June 1930, the Congress of the Defence of the Law and People's Freedom took place in Cracow. Daszynski sent a telegram to Congress as “The Speaker of the Sejm condemned to inactivity”. On 29th August 1930, the President Ignacy Moscicki dissolved the Sejm and proclaimed the new elections. Before the elections, many members were arrested and terrorized. Daszynski stood up for the detainees sending an open letter to Irena Kosmowska, the ex-member of PSL-”Liberation” arrested at the castle in Lublin.
Daszynski was a candidate in constituencies: Kraków, Chrzanów, Oswiecim, Miechów. He was also the first on the national list of Centrolew. Although he got 80.000 votes, the list was annulled in the Cracow district. Thus Daszynski was chosen the member of parliament from the national list. After the election, his health deteriorated. After the conference of General Council of PPS on 18th January 1931, he went to The House of Health in Bystra Slaska. He retired on the 12th PPS Congress (May, 23-25, 1931); however, he was again chosen a leader of the General Council of PPS in Cracow and on 13th PPS Congress (2-5th February 1934) he was chosen an honourable leader of Polish Socialist Party. Despite of his stay in sanatorium, he organized “fund for fight with confiscation” for Robotnik.
He died on 31st October 1936 in Bystra Slaska.
A lot of people came to the funeral which took place on the 3rd of November 1936 in Cracow on Rakowicki Cemetery. There was a special train from Warsaw and Ministry of Transport granted free return tickets for those who went to the funeral. On the day of the funeral, everybody in every work place stopped working for 5 minutes.
On 22nd November, the last letter of Daszynski was published:
“All my life I’ve worked with workers. To them I owe the fact that my work did not come to nothing. To them with my last thought I say goodbye. I hope that their life will be better, that they will be strong and morally healthy, that they will make their common ideals come true. I say goodbye to my companions and friends with whom I have worked and I ask them to remember that time with kindness. I ask everybody to forgive me my mistakes and forget the pain that I caused. The thought about death for a long time has been for me the beginning of freedom.”
Ignacy Daszynski
Family
Felix Daszynski (1863-1890), brother of Ignacy, was a journalist and social activist married to women's rights activist and senator, Zofia Daszynska Galinska.
Ignacy Daszynski and his wife Maria Paszkowska had five children:
- Felix, the 2nd Lt in reserve (after 1939 imprisoned in Starobielsk; probably murdered in Katyn);
- Stefan (moved to United States; he died in 1958)
- Jan (died on 15th May 1940 of tuberculosis);
- Helena Rummel (died in 1984 in London);
- Hanna Borkowska (she was a secretary of Tomasz Arciszewski; died in 1953 in London);
Daszynski had an extramarital son Adam Próchnik (born in 1894) with Felicja Próchnik (Nossig).
Selected publications
- Szlachetczyzna i odrodzenie Galicji, Lviv, 1899
- O formach rzadu. Szkic socjologiczny, Cracow, 1902
- Polityka proletariatu. Kilka uwag o taktyce rewolucji w Polsce, Warsaw, 1907
- Mowa o sprawie polsko-ruskiej, wygloszona w Izbie Poslów d. 21 maja 1908 r., Cracow, 1908
- Cztery lata wojny. Szkice z dziejów polityki Polskiej Partii Socjalistycznej Galicji i Slaska, Cracow, 1918
- Z burzliwej doby. Mowy sejmowe wygloszone w czasie od pazdziernika 1918 do sierpnia 1919 roku, Lviv, 1920
- Wielki czlowiek w Polsce. Szkic polityczno-psychologiczny, Warsaw, 1925
- Pamietniki, vol. I Cracow, 1925; vol. II Cracow 1926
- Sejm, rzad, król, dyktator, Warsaw, 1926
- W obronie praw przedstawicielstwa ludowego. Przemówienie sejmowe tow. Daszynskiego, Warsaw, 1926
- W pierwsza rocznice przewrotu majowego, 1927
- Czy socjalisci moga uznac dyktature proletariatu, Lublin, 1927
Bibliography
- Najdus, Walentyna, Ignacy Daszynski 1866-1936, Warszawa 1988; ISBN 83-07-01571-5
- Próchnik, Adam ps. Henryk Swoboda, Ignacy Daszynski. Zycie, praca, walka; Warszawa 1934;
- Ignacy Daszynski, wielki trybun ludu. W 70 rocznice urodzin. Garsc wspomnien, Kraków 1936;
- Winnicki, Wieslaw, Ignacy Daszynski na tle historii Polskiej Partii Socjalistycznej. Wydane w X rocznice smierci nakladem stolecznego komitetu PPS w Warszawie; Warszawa 1946.
- Ciolkosz, Adam, Ludzie PPS; Londyn 1981.
- Sliwa, Michal, Ignacy Daszynski o panstwie, demokracji i parlamentaryzmie; Warszawa 1997
See also
External links
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