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Armenian nationalism
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Armenian nationalism in the modern period has its roots in the romantic nationalism of Mikayel Chamchian (1738–1823) and generally defined as the creation of a free, independent and united Armenia formulated as the Armenian Cause ("Hay Dat"). Armenian national awakening developed in the 1880s in the context of the general rise of nationalism under the Ottoman Empire.
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Armenian nationalism in the modern period has its roots in the romantic nationalism of Mikayel Chamchian (1738–1823) and generally defined as the creation of a free, independent and united Armenia formulated as the Armenian Cause ("Hay Dat"). Armenian national awakening developed in the 1880s in the context of the general rise of nationalism under the Ottoman Empire. The Russian Armenia followed with significant causes. The Armenian Apostolic Church has been a great defender of Armenian nationalism, such as Khrimian Hayrik who devoted his life to the peasantry. The establishment of modern Armenia (1991) and Armenian social fabric becoming more complex gradually decrease the political influence of Hay Dat and shifted towards a modern Armenian nationalism modeled as a liberal nationalism. On the other hand, the Armenian diaspora have "diaspora nationalism," which maintain that the threat of assimilation rather than economic advantage. The recognition of "Armenian genocide" is a driving force among the Armenian people living under assimilation threat, first and perhaps its main goal, among Armenian diaspora.
National awakening
The situation of the non-Muslim minorities within the Ottoman Empire changed substantially as a result of reforms introduced during the Tanzimat era. The early reforms were generally addressed at changing the organisation of, and systems within, the Ottoman Empire as a whole. However, as a result of diplomatic pressures exerted by the Great Powers that had supported the Ottoman Empire against Russia during the Crimean War, in 1856 reforms were made that sought to give non-Muslims citizens of the Ottoman Empire the same rights as Muslim citizens. The capitation tax on non-Muslims was abolished, non-Muslims were allowed to become soldiers, and schools for the non-Muslim communities were allowed to open.
Under these new and relatively liberal conditions, many Armenian schools were opened throughout the Ottoman Empire. The majority of these schools quickly acquired a secular aspect. The Armenians also established numerous cultural associations to set a minimum standard for the curricula and qualifications for the teachers. In 1880 these associations united together as the "General Union of Armenian Schools".
After the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-78, the Armenian National Assembly and Patriarch Nerses II of Constantinople sent Catholicos Mgrdich Khrimian to the Congress of Berlin to represent the Armenians in the debate on the "Armenian Question". In his famous patriotic speech "The Paper Ladle" Mgrdich Khrimian advised Armenians to take the national awakening of Bulgaria as a model as the hopes of the Armenian people for self-determination.
Article 61 of the Berlin Congress mentioned the possibility of an "autonomous Armenia", transforming the "Armenian Question" from an internal problem of the Ottoman Empire into an international one. In the treaty, Ottoman Turkey undertook to protect its Armenian subjects from oppression and violence. However, the treaty did not provide any instruments to force Turkey to make reforms. Both Turkey and Russia began to look upon all expressions of Armenian national identity, however innocent, as possible instruments for the realisation of that autonomy.
Russian Armenia
In the Russian Empire, attempts were made to reduce the powers and privileges of Etchmiadzin, to influence the election of the Catholicos, and the study of Armenian history and culture was actively discouraged. In the Ottoman Empire, subjects such as the history of Armenia were banned at Armenian schools. In response, such subjects often continued to be taught in secret, creating further suspicion in the eyes of the Ottoman authorities. Images that depicted scenes from Armenian history were forbidden to be sold or be displayed in public. Armenian newspapers also began to be either closed down or to be heavily censored. In the 1890s many Armenian schools were closed down, and in 1893 the "General Union of Armenian Schools" was abolished. Many teachers at Armenian schools were specifically targeted and killed during the 1894-96 massacres.
World War One
The fate of the Armenians took a worse course within the Ottoman Empire, with the Armenian genocide of 1915 to 1917. Following World War I, the Armenians not scattered in the Armenian diaspora found themselves after the fall of the short-lived Democratic Republic of Armenia reduced to a minor republic within the Soviet Union, the Armenian SSR.
Modern times
An enlarged Armenia was advocated by the Armenian Revolutionary Federation during Soviet times, which would incorporate Nakhchivan in Azerbaijan and territory in Eastern Turkey. Armenian nationalism in the 20th century never tired in emphasizing the "ancient origin of the Armenians", and consequently embraced the Armenian hypothesis of Indo-European origins forwarded by Soviet scholars in the 1980s. During Soviet times, Armenian nationalism within Soviet Armenia was distinguished from other nationalisms of peoples absorbed into the Soviet Union, such as Georgian, Ukrainian or Estonian, in that it did not direct itself against the dominant Russians, but continued to focus on the traditional enemy, the Turks, and was consequently subtly encouraged by the communist government. Armenia emerged as an independent state in 1991.
Armenian nationalism has notably been opposed to Turkish nationalism, especially over the Turkish refusal to recognize the Armenian genocide. The Armenian diaspora derives much of its unity from campaigns against this denial. According to Brannen (2004), to the Armenian diasporic communities in the United States and Canada, historical memory of the Ottoman Turkish and Kurdish genocide of Armenians in April 1915 has taken on the role of a "central nationalist fetish", around which formation of Armenian identity takes place. Armenian diasporic nationalism has a strong nostalgic component for a lost time and place, powerfully symbolized by Mount Ararat, which although visible from Yerevan, is a Turkish militarized zone.
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