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2008 South Ossetia war
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The 2008 South Ossetia War, also known as August War, Five-Day War, Georgia-Russia Conflict or Russia-Georgia War, was an armed conflict between Georgia on the one side, and Russia together with separatists in South Ossetia and Abkhazia on the other. It occurred in August 2008, and involved land, air and sea warfare.
The 1991–1992 South Ossetia War between Georgians and Ossetians left most of South Ossetia under control of an unrecognized government backed by Russia.
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Encyclopedia
The 2008 South Ossetia War, also known as August War, Five-Day War, Georgia-Russia Conflict or Russia-Georgia War, was an armed conflict between Georgia on the one side, and Russia together with separatists in South Ossetia and Abkhazia on the other. It occurred in August 2008, and involved land, air and sea warfare.
The 1991–1992 South Ossetia War between Georgians and Ossetians left most of South Ossetia under control of an unrecognized government backed by Russia. Some Georgian inhabited parts remained under the control of Georgia. This mirrored the situation in Abkhazia. Already increasing tensions escalated during the summer months of 2008.
On the evening of August 7, 2008, Georgia launched a large-scale ground- and air-based military attack on South Ossetia's capital, Tskhinvali. Georgia claims that it was responding to Russian troop movements. Although Georgia has provided some circumstantial evidence in support of the claim, Tbilisi's version of the events has been put into doubt. Russia responded by sending troops into South Ossetia and launching bombing raids farther into Georgia. On August 8, Russian naval forces blocked Georgia's coast and landed ground forces and paratroopers on Georgian coast. Russian and Abkhazian forces opened a second front by attacking the Kodori Gorge, held by Georgia, and entered western parts of Georgia's interior. After five days of heavy fighting, Georgian forces were ejected from South Ossetia and Abkhazia. Russian troops entered Georgia proper, occupying the cities of Poti and Gori among others.
Following mediation by the French presidency of the European Union, the parties reached a preliminary ceasefire agreement on August 12, signed by Georgia on August 15 in Tbilisi and by Russia on August 16 in Moscow. On August 12, President Medvedev had already ordered a halt to Russian military operations in Georgia but fighting did not stop immediately. After the signing of the ceasefire Russia pulled most of its troops out of Georgia proper. However, "buffer zones" were established around Abkhazia and South Ossetia and Russia created check points in Georgia's interior (Poti, Senaki, Perevi).
On August 26, 2008 Russia recognized the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. Following international agreements, Russia completed its withdrawal from Georgia on October 8. Russian troops remain stationed in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, including areas under Georgian control before the war, under bilateral agreements with respective governments. Georgia declared Abkhazia and South Ossetia "Russian-occupied territories" on August 28, 2008.
A number of incidents have occurred in both conflict zones since the war ended, and tensions between the belligerents remain high.
Background
Amidst rising ethnic tensions, in 1989, the South Ossetian Supreme Soviet approved a decision to unite South Ossetia, an autonomous region within the Georgian SSR, with the North Ossetian ASSR, part of Russia. In its turn, Georgia's Supreme Council revoked the decision and abolished South Ossetian autonomy. The government in Tbilisi also established Georgian as the country's principal language, whereas the Ossetians' first two languages were Russian and Ossetian. A military conflict broke out in January 1991 when Georgia sent in troops to crush the separatist movement in South Ossetia. The South Ossetian secessionists were helped by former Soviet military units, who by now had come under Russian command. Estimates of deaths in this fighting exceed 2,000 people. During the war several atrocities occurred on both sides. Approximately 100,000 Ossetians fled Georgia and South Ossetia, while 23,000 Georgians left South Ossetia. The war resulted in South Ossetia, which had a Georgian ethnic minority of around 29% of the total population of 98,500 in 1989, breaking away from Georgia and gaining de facto independence. After the Sochi agreement in 1992, Tskhinvali was isolated from the Georgian territory around it and Russian, Georgian and South Ossetian peacekeepers were stationed in South Ossetia under the Joint Control Comission's (JCC) mandate of demilitarization. The 1992 ceasefire also defined both a zone of conflict around the South Ossetian capital of Tskhinvali and a security corridor along the border of South Ossetian territories. In May, 2008, there were there were about 2,000 Russian peacekeepers in Abkhazia, and about 1,000 Russian peacekeepers in South Ossetia under the JCC's mandate.
The conflict remained frozen until 2003 when Mikheil Saakashvili came to power in the Rose Revolution which ousted president Eduard Shevardnadze. In the years that followed, Saakashvili's government pushed a program to strengthen failing state institutions, including security and military, created "passably democratic institutions" and implemented a pro-US foreign policy. One of Saakashvili's main goals has been Georgian NATO membership, which Russia opposes. This has been one of the main stumbling blocks in Georgia-Russia relations. In 2007, Georgia spent 6% of GDP on its military and had the highest average growth rate of military spending in the world. Restoring South Ossetia and Abkhazia (a region with a similar movement) to Georgian control has been a top-priority goal of Saakashvili since he came to power.
Emboldened by the success of restoring control in Adjara in early 2004, the Georgian government now launched a push to retake South Ossetia, sending 300 special task force fighters into the territory. Georgia said its aim was to combat smuggling, but JCC participants branded the move as a breach of the Sochi agreement of 1992. Intense fighting took place between Georgian forces and South Ossetian militia on August 8-19, 2004. According to researcher Sergei Markedonov, the brief war in 2004 was a turning point for Russian policy in the region. Russia, who had previously aimed only to preserve the status-quo, now realized that the security of the whole Caucasus depended on the situation in South Ossetia, and took side of the self-proclaimed republic.
In the 2006 South Ossetian independence referendum, 99% of those voting supported full independence. Simultaneously, ethnic Georgians voted just as emphatically to stay with Tbilisi in a referendum among the region's ethnic Georgians. Georgia accused Russia of the annexation of its internationally recognised territory and installing a puppet government led by Eduard Kokoity and several officials who previously served in the Russian FSB and Army. From 2004 to 2008, Georgia has repeatedly proposed broad autonomy for Abkhazia and South Ossetia within the unified Georgian state, but the proposals have been rejected by the secessionist authorities, who demanded full indepence for the territory. In 2006, the Georgian government helped set up an “alternative government” led by the former South Ossetian prime minister Dmitry Sanakoyev and granted to it a status of a provisional administration, alarming Tskhinvali and Moscow. In what Sergei Markedonov has described as the culmination of Georgian "unfreezing" policy, the control of the Georgian peacekeeping battallion was transferred from the joint command of the peacekeeping forces to the Georgian Defense Ministry.
Russian President Dmitry Medvedev stated that he would "protect the life and dignity of Russian citizens wherever they are". The proportion of Russians living in South Ossetia has always been low (in 1989, Ossetians accounted for around 60 percent, Georgians 20 percent, Armenians 10 percent and Russians 5 percent of the population), but about 7/8 of South Ossetians have been issued with Russian passports. Reuters describes the government as "dependent on Russia, [supplier of] two thirds of [its] annual budget", and reports that "Russia's state-controlled gas giant Gazprom is building new gas pipelines and infrastructure" worth hundreds of millions of dollars to supply its cities with energy. In mid-April, 2008, the Russian Foreign Ministry announced that Prime Minister Putin had given instructions to the federal government whereby Moscow would pursue economic, diplomatic, and administrative relations with Abkhazia and South Ossetia as with the subjects of Russia. When President Saakashvili was re-elected in early 2008, he promised to bring the breakaway regions back under Georgian control.
While Russia has allied itself with the separatist regions, Georgia, on its part, has a close relationship with the United States, which has helped to train and arm the Georgian military. Although Georgia has no significant oil or gas reserves on its own, it is an important transit route that supplies the West. The pipeline has been a key factor for the United States' support for Georgia, allowing the West to reduce its reliance on Middle Eastern oil while bypassing Russia and Iran.
Prelude to war
Military buildup
During 2008, both Georgia and Russia accused each other of preparing a war. In April, 2008, Russia said that Georgia was massing 1,500 soldiers and police in the upper Kodori Gorge area and planning to invade the breakaway region of Abkhazia. Russia said it was boosting its forces there and in the South Ossetia region as a response. Later, UNOMIG denied any build up in the Kodori Gorge or near the Abkhazian border by either sides.
In the same month, Russia increased the number of its peacekeepers in Abkhazia to 2,542 by deploying hundreds of paratroopers into the region. Even after the increase, troop levels were still within the 3,000 limit imposed by a 1994 decision of CIS head of states. Sergey Lavrov said, that his his country was not preparing for war but would "retaliate" against any attack.
On April 20, a Russian jet shot down a Georgian unmanned spy plane flying over Abkhazia. After the incident Saakashvili deployed 12,000 Georgian troops to Senaki. Georgian interior ministry officials showed the BBC video footage, which Georgia said showed Russian troops deploying heavy military hardware in the breakaway region of Abkhazia. According to Georgia, "it proved the Russians were a fighting force, not just peacekeepers." Russia strongly denied the accusations. Both countries also accused each other of flying jets over South Ossetia, violating the ceasefire.
From July to early August, Georgia and Russia conducted two parallel military exercises, the joint US-Georgian Immediate Response 2008 and the Russian Caucasus Frontier 2008. According to a paper published by Institute for Security and Development Policy shortly after the war, the Russian troops remained by the Georgian border instead of returning to their bases after the end of their exercise on August 2. The Georgian 4th Brigade, which later spearheaded the attack into Tskhinvali, took part in the Georgian exercise along with 1,000 American troops. This caused Russia to accuse the United States of helping Georgian attack preparations. After the exercise, the Georgian Artillery Brigade, normally based in two locations, in Senaki and in Gori, was now moved completely to Gori, 25 km from the South Ossetian border. According to Colonel Wolfgang Richter, a leading military expert to the German OSCE mission, Georgian troops were moved to the South Ossetian border in July.
On August 5, Russian ambassador-at-large Yuri Popov reiterated the Russian claim that the country would intervene in the event of military conflict. The Ambassador of South Ossetia to Moscow, Dmitry Medoyev, declared that volunteers were already arriving, primarily "from North Ossetia," in the Republic of South Ossetia to offer help in the event of Georgian aggression.
According to Moscow Defense Brief, an English-language defense magazine published by the Russian NGO Centre for Analysis of Strategies and Technologies, the Georgians appear to have secretly concentrated a significant number of troops and equipment to the South Ossetian border in early August, under the cover of providing support for the exchange of fire with South Ossetian formations. The Georgian forces included the full 2th, 3th and 4th Infantry Brigades, the Artillery Brigade, elements of the 1th Infantry Brigade, and the separate Gori Tank Battalion, plus special forces and Ministry of the Internal Affairs troops – all in all, up to 16,000 men, according to the publication. International Institute for Strategic Studies and Western intelligence experts give a lower estimate, saying that the Georgians had amassed about 12,000 troops on the South Ossetian border by August 7. On the opposite side, there were just 1,000 Russian peacekeepers and 500 South Ossetian fighters ready to defend Tskhinvali, according to an estimate quoted by Der Spiegel.
Pre-war clashes
Clashes and shelling between the Georgian and Ossetian forces in early August led to the deaths of six Ossetians and five Georgians; both sides accused the other of opening fire first, in what was the worst violence in years. During the week the fighting intensified. On August 3, the Russian foreign ministry warned that an extensive military conflict was about to erupt. According to a Spiegel article, officials in European governments and intelligence agencies assume that the warning concerns Saakashvili's plans for invasion of South Ossetia, which had been completed earlier. Three days later, the evacuation of Ossetian women and children to Russia was completed. Starting with the night of August 6 to 7th there were continuous artillery fire exchanges between the two sides. At 3 p.m. on August 7, OSCE monitors on patrol saw large numbers of Georgian artillery and Grad rocket launchers massing on roads north of Gori, just south of the South Ossetian border.
On August 5, both sides had agreed to hold meetings in the presence of chief Russian negotiator over South Ossetia Yuri Popov on August 7. However, a day later, the South Ossetian side refused to participate in the talks, demanding a JCC session (consisting of Georgia, Russia, North and South Ossetia) instead. Tbilisi had withdrawn from the JCC in march, demanding the format include the EU, the OSCE and the Provisional Administrative Entity of South Ossetia. The meeting on August 7 went ahead, but the Ossetian side did not show up. The Russian commander of the Joint Peacekeeping Force (JPFK), General Marat Kulakhmetov, advised the Georgians to declare a ceasefire. During the afternoon of August 7, Georgia withdrew its personnel from the JPFK Headquarters in Tskhinvali.
Active stage of the war
Evening of August 7
At about 7 p.m., President Mikheil Saakashvili ordered a unilateral ceasefire, advised earlier that day by Kulakhmetov. According to the Georgian military, fighting intensified despite the declared ceasefire. Georgian armor continued to move to the South Ossetian line even after Saakashvili's ceasefire, and the Russian and Ossetian governments claimed that the ceasefire was just as an attempt to buy time while Georgian forces positioned themselves for a major attack.
During a news broadcast that began at 11 p.m., Mikheil Saakashvili announced that Georgian villages were being shelled, and vowed to restore Tbilisi's control by force over what he called the "criminal regime" in South Ossetia and to "restore constitutional order." An OSCE monitoring group in Tskhinvali did not record outgoing artillery fire from the South Ossetian side in the hours before the start of Georgian bombardment, and NATO officials attest to minor skirmishes but nothing that amounted to a provocation, according to Der Spiegel.
At 11:30 p.m. on August 7, Georgian forces began a major artillery assault on Tskhinvali. At 11:45 p.m. OSCE monitors reported, that shells were falling on Tskhinvali every 15–20 seconds. The Georgians used 27 rocket launchers, including 152-millimeter guns as well as cluster bombs. According to Georgian intelligence and several Russian sources, parts of 58th Russian Army moved to South Ossetian territory through the Roki Tunnel before the Georgian attack. No conclusive evidence has been as yet presented by Georgia or its Western allies that Russia was invading the country before the Georgian attack (the Russians claim the it was simply a routine logistics train or troop rotation) or that the situation for Georgians in the Ossetian zone was so dire that a large-scale military attack was necessary.
The Battle of Tskhinvali
peacekeepers base buildings in Tskhinvali, shelled on August 7-8, 2008]]
Early in the morning of August 8, Georgia launched a military offensive, codenamed Operation Clear Field to capture Tskhinvali. The Georgian 4th Brigade spearheaded the infantry attack, while the 2nd and 3rd Brigades provided support. Georgian forces soon seized several South Ossetian controlled villages located on higher ground around the city.
At 12:15 a.m. Kulakhmetov reported to the OSCE monitors that the JPFK peacekeepers had come under fire and that they had casualties. 18 Russian Peacekeeping force soldiers were killed in the Georgian artillery onslaught. The peacekeepers' cafeteria was completely destroyed and all of their buildings went up in flames. Parts of the capital city were left in ruins. The Georgian shelling was extensively covered by Russian media prior to the military reaction that followed. Russia claimed to have responded to an attack on the peacekeepers base and in defense of South Ossetian civilians against what they called "a genocide by Georgian forces." There were claims casualties may amount up to 2,000 dead in Tskhinvali following the Georgian shelling. The extent of civilian casualties was later disputed in a number of sources, with a doctor in Tskhinvali's hospital speaking of 44 dead bodies being brought there. According to the doctor, the hospital, was under fire for 18 hours. HRW documented the severe damage done to the hospital by a Grad multiple rocket launcher.
By 8 am. on August 8, Georgian infantry and tanks had entered Tskhinvali and engaged in a fierce battle with Ossetian forces and the Russian peacekeeping battalion stationed in the city. 1,500 Georgian ground troops had reached the centre of Tskhinvali by 10 a.m. on August 8, but were pushed back three hours later by Russian artillery and air attacks, according to Georgian officials.
The BBC has discovered evidence that Georgia may have committed war crimes during its attack and occupation of Tskhinvali, including possible deliberate targeting of civilians. The Human Rights Watch found some evidence of firing being directed into basements, locations which civilians frequently choose as a place of shelter.
According to Georgia, Russian military aircraft violated Georgian airspace around 10 a.m. on 8 August. Starting around 2 a.m., international press agencies began running reports of Russian tanks in the Roki tunnel. According to a senior Russian official, the first Russian combat unit, the First Battalion of the 135th Regiment, was ordered at around dawn of August 8 to move through the Roki Tunnel and reinforce the Russian forces in Tshkinvali. According to him, the unit passed through the tunnel at 2:30 p.m. It reached Tshkinvali at the evening, meeting heavy resistance from Georgian troops. Georgia disputes the account, saying that it was in heavy combat with Russian forces near the tunnel long before dawn of 8 August. Western intelligence experts believe, that Russian troops did not begin marching through the tunnel until roughly 11 a.m. on August 8.
During the evening of August 8, vicious fighting took place in the area of Tskhinvali and in South Ossetia. The fighting in South Ossetian towns and villages was done by the local militia and volunteers, while Russian troops concentrated on engaging larger Georgian army groups. Russia also undertook action to suppress the Georgian artillery and the Russian Air Force launched strikes on Georgia's logistical infrastructure. Russian special units reportedly prevented Georgian saboteurs from blowing up the Roki Tunnel, which could have hindered the sending of reinforcements to South Ossetia.
The passage of Russian forces through the narrow Roki Tunnel and along the mountain roads was slow and the Russians had difficulties in concentrating their troops, forcing them to bring their forces into battle battalion by battalion. Because of this, a fierce battle took place on August 9 in the region of Tskhinvali and the Georgians were able to mount several counterattacks, including some with tanks. Due to the gradual increase in troops, the combined Russian and South Ossetian forces in South Ossetia outnumbered the Georgians for the first time on August 9-10. The Russians moved between 5,500 and 10,000 troops to South Ossetia through the Roki Tunnel, according to Der Spiegel.
According to Moscow Defense Brief, by the morning of August 10, the Georgians had captured almost the whole of Tskhinvali, forcing the Ossetian forces and the Russian peacekeeping battalion to retreat to the northern reaches of the city. "However, on this very day the accumulation of Russian forces in the region finally bore fruit and the fighting in South Ossetia reached a turning point. Toward the evening of August 10, Tskhinvali was completely cleared of Georgian forces, which retreated to the south of the city. Georgian forces were also repelled from the key Prisi heights. The bulk of Georgia’s artillery was defeated. Meanwhile, Ossetian forces, with the support of Russian divisions, took Achabeti, Kekhvi, Kurta and Tamarasheni on the approach to Tskhinvali from the north. Georgian forces in several of Georgian enclaves were eliminated." Only in the area around the village of Zemo-Nikosi Georgian units stubbornly resisted, repelling the Russian attack for a short time, but were soon defeated. Georgian units and artillery continued to shell Tskhinvali from a number of high points. By the end of August 11 South Ossetia was completely cleared of Georgian forces, and Russian units had moved into Georgia proper by the next morning. Having retreated from South Ossetia, the Georgian forces regrouped at Gori.
According to the Georgian Defense Minister, the Georgian military tried to push into Tskhinvali three times in all. During the last one, they got a very heavy counter attack which Georgian officials described as "something like hell." In total, the fighting in the Tskhinval area lasted for three days and nights, by the end of which Georgian artillery was either destroyed or had left its positions, from which it could shell the city and Georgian ground troops pulled out of the city.
Bombing and occupation of Gori
Gori is a major Georgian city close to the border with the de facto independent republic of South Ossetia, about 25 km from Tskhinvali. It was the staging area for the Georgian army during the fighting for the capital of South Ossetia and was bombed several times by the Russian Air Force.
According to western intelligence the Russian bombings began at 7:30 a.m. August 8, when it launched the first SS-21 short-range missile, apparently at military or government bunker positions in the city of Borzhomi, southwest of Gori. Around 6 a.m. on August 9, Reuters reported that two Russian fighters had bombed a Georgian artillery position near Gori. A later attack hit the central district of the city, killing one Dutch journalist. An air-to-ground missile also hit the Gori hospital. Human Rights Watch (HRW), an international rights group, accused Russia of deploying controversial and indiscriminately deadly cluster bombs on civilian areas of Georgia. According to HRW at least eight civilians were killed and dozens injured when a Russian aircraft dropped cluster bombs in the centre of Gori on August 12. According to the Russian military, three bombs hit an armament depot and the façade of one of the adjacent 5-storey apartment buildings suffered as a result exploding ammunition from the depot. The Georgian government reported that 60 civilians were killed when at least one bomb hit an apartment in Gori.
On the evening of August 10, large numbers of the civilian population began to flee the city. By the next day 56,000 people fled the district. The next day, at 5 p.m., the Georgian army started to abandon the city in disarray, without firing a shot, following their defeat at Tskhinvali. A Times reporter described the Georgian withdrawal as "sudden and dramatic", saying that the Gori residents watched in horror as their army abandoned their positions. According to Moscow Defense Brief, the retreat of the Georgian army from Gori soon grew into a panicked flight almost all the way to Tbilisi. During this flight, Al Jazeera's cameras caught a Georgian tank hit by a Russian potshot exploding while the reporters fled with the column.
Russian troops fought their way through flimsy Georgian defenses at Gori.Around August 13 Russian ground forces entered Gori. Since the Georgian defenders of the city were in full retreat, Gori was completely clear of Georgan troops when the Russians entered. On August 14, the Russian commander in charge of Gori, General Major Vyacheslav Borisov claimed that the city of Gori was controlled jointly by Georgian Police and Russian troops. He further said that Russian troops would start leaving Gori in two days. Russian troops said they were removing military hardware and ammunition from an arms depot outside Gori. Russian troops were also seen on the road from Gori to Tbilisi, but they turned off to the north, about an hour from Tbilisi, and encamped. Georgian troops occupied the road six miles (about 10 km) closer to Tbilisi.
The Russian forces denied access to some humanitarian aid missions seeking to assist civilians. The United Nations, which has described the humanitarian situation in Gori as "desperate," was able to deliver only limited food supplies to the city. On August 15, Russian troops allowed a number of humanitarian supplies into the city but continued their blockade of the strategically located city. In the August 17 report, HRW said the organization's researchers interviewed ethnic Georgians from the city of Gori and surrounding villages who described how armed South Ossetian militias attacked their cars and kidnapped civilians as people tried to flee in response to militia attacks on their homes following the Russian advance into the area. In phone interviews, people remaining in Gori region villages told HRW that they had witnessed looting and arson attacks by South Ossetian militias in their villages, but were afraid to leave after learning about militia attacks on those who fled. A Russian liutenant said on August 14: "We have to be honest. The Ossetians are marauding." Vyacheslav Borisov admitted, that "now Ossetians are running around and killing poor Georgians in their enclaves." Answering a journalist's question, a Russian liutenant colonel said: "We're not a police force, we're a military force. It's not our job to do police work." The Russian human rights group Memorial called the attacks by South Ossetian militia "pogroms".
The occupation lasted until August 22.
Abkhazian front
The Russian Black Sea Fleet left Sevastopol on the evening of August 8 and established a de-facto sea blockade of the Georgian coast. On the evening of August 9, a naval skirmish between Russian and Georgian forces took place. The Russian Mirazh corvette probably sank one Georgian patrol cutter with two Malakhit (SS-N-9) anti-ship missiles. This was the Russian Navy's first real sea battle since 1945, according to Moscow Defense Brief. The Russians claimed that Georgian ships had violated the security zone of the Black Sea Fleet and therefore the action was in accordance with international law. Following the action, the remaining Georgian ships withdrew to a nearby harbor.
On August 9 2008 Russia opened a second front in Abkhazia, deploying up to 9,000 men from the 7th Novorossiysk and 76th Pskov Air Assault Divisions, the elements of the 20th Motorized Rifle Division and two batallions of the Black Sea Fleet Marines. With their support, Abkhaz forces began to dislodge the Georgian forces from the Kodori Gorge.
On August 10 Abkhazia declared a full military mobilization to drive out the 1,000 Georgian troops from their remaining stronghold in the Kodori Valley.
The next day, Russian paratroopers deployed in Abkhazia carried out raids deep inside Georgian territory to destroy military bases from where Georgia could send reinforcements to its troops sealed off in South Ossetia. Russian forces, meeting virtually no opposition, reached the military base near the town of Senaki outside Abkhazia on the 11th, leaving the base there destroyed. Russian aircraft also shot down two Georgian helicopters at the airbase at Senaki. Russian troops also drove through the port of Poti, and took up positions around it. On August 12, the Abkhazian authorities announced the beginning of military operations against Georgian troops in the Kodori Gorge area. On the same day, Georgia said it was withdrawing its troops from the Kodori Gorge "as a gesture of goodwill". The battle between Georgian and Abkhazian forces lasted until August 13, when all of the remaining Georgian forces, including at least 1,500 civilians in the Kodori Valley, retreated from Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
Occupation of Poti
On August 14, Russian troops entered Poti and sunk several Georgian naval vessels moored in the harbor, as well as removing or destroying military equipment. They also controlled the highway linking Poti to Tbilisi. Four days later, Russian forces in Poti took prisoner 22 Georgian troops who had approached the city. They were taken to a Georgian military base occupied by Russian troops at Senaki. From August 13 to 15, according to Moscow Defense Brief, "Russian paratroops raided Poti again and again, destroying almost all of the docked ships and boats of the Georgian Navy, and took away a quantity of valuable military equipment."
Six-point peace plan
On August 10, most international observers began calling for a peaceful solution to the conflict. The European Union and the United States expressed a willingness to send a joint delegation to try and negotiate a ceasefire. Russia, however, ruled out peace talks with Georgia until the latter withdrew from South Ossetia and signed a legally binding pact renouncing the use of force against South Ossetia and Abkhazia.
On August 12, Russian President Medvedev said that he had ordered an end to military operations in Georgia, saying that "the operation has achieved its goal, security for peacekeepers and civilians has been restored. The aggressor was punished, suffering huge losses." Later on the same day, he met the President-in-Office of the European Union, French President Nicolas Sarkozy, and approved a six-point peace plan. Late that night Georgian President Saakashvili agreed to the text. Sarkozy's plan originally had just the first four points. Russia added the fifth and sixth points. Georgia asked for the additions in parentheses, but Russia rejected them, and Sarkozy convinced Georgia to agree to the unchanged text. On August 14, South Ossetia President Eduard Kokoity and Abkhazia President Sergei Bagapsh signed the peace plan as well.
After the cease fire had been signed, hostilities did not immediately stop. According to Moscow Defense Brief, active raids on Georgian territory to capture and destroy Georgian weapons, and the "demilitarization of the Georgian armed forces" continued. Noting that people were fleeing before the still advancing Russian tanks and soldiers and the following "irregulars", a reporter for the UK The Guardian stated on August 13, "the idea there is a ceasefire is ridiculous." On August 14, efforts to institute joint patrols of Georgian and Russian police in Gori broke down due to apparent discord among personnel. Reuters stated on August 15, that Russian forces had pushed to 34 miles (55 km) from Tbilisi, the closest during the war; they stopped in Igoeti , an important crossroads. That day, United States Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice also traveled to Tbilisi, where Saakashvili signed the 6-point peace plan in her presence. Russian and Georgian forces exchanged prisoners of war on August 19. Georgia said it handed over 5 Russian servicemen, in exchange for 15 Georgians, including two civilians.
Russian withdrawal
Despite numerous calls for a quick withdrawal from Georgia by western leaders, Russian troops occupied some parts of Georgia proper for about two months. In late August, some troops were withdrawn, however Russian troops and checkpoints remained near Gori and Poti, as well as in so called "buffer zones" around Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Withdrawal from the buffer zones around South Ossetia and Abkhazia was completed when control was handed over to a EU observer mission on 9 October. On 9 September, 2008, Russia officially announced that its troops in South Ossetia and Abkhazia would "henceforth be considered foreign troops stationed in independent states under bilateral agreements". Russia maintains 3,700 soldiers in both South Ossetia and Abkhazia and is planning to open military bases in Java, Tskhinvali, and Gudauta in 2010. Russia is planning to spend $400 million on the bases.
International monitors
As of January, 2009, there are 200 EU ceasefire monitors operating in Georgia. The mandate of OSCE monitors expired on 1 January, and the organization began withdrawing its personnel from Georgia. According to Russia, the extension of the mandate in its current format was impossible because it would be illegal under the Russian law that recognises South Ossetia as an independent state. The United Nations observer mission to the Georgia-Abkhazia conflict zone, formerly known as UNOMIG, continues. Its mandate was extended on February 14, 2009.
A number of incidents have occurred in both border conflict zones since the war ended, and tensions between the belligerents remain high.
Casualties
Human Rights Watch says that estimates at 300-400 dead are a "useful starting point". South Ossetian military and militia deaths, including various voluenteers, are estimated at 150. An additional 41 South Ossetian militiamen were captured. Russia confirmed its military casualties as being 64 soldiers killed, 283 soldiers wounded, and 3 soldiers missing. Abkhazia confirmed its military casualties as being 1 soldier killed and 2 soldiers wounded. Georgia confirmed the loss of 169 soldiers killed, 17 soldiers missing, 42 soldiers captured, and 1,964 wounded. The Georgian police, which also fought in the conflict, suffered the loss of 14 policemen killed and 22 policemen missing. Georgian officials initially claimed that 228 Georgian civilians had died, but later lowered the figure to 69. An additional 872 Georgian civilians are listed as missing. One Dutch journalist was killed in the conflict and another 3 foreign civilians were wounded.
Humanitarian impact and war crimes
in the city of Alagir, North Ossetia, Russia]]
in Tbilisi, Georgia]]
According to Human Rights Watch (HRW), all parties committed serious violations of international human rights and
humanitarian law, resulting in many civilian deaths and injuries. Georgian forces used indiscriminate force during their attack on South Ossetia, directing tanks and machine gun fire at buildings in Tskhinvali, including at apartment buildings where civilians sheltered. South Ossetian forces had fired on Georgian forces from at least some of these buildings. The Georgian military used Grad multiple rocket launchers, an indiscriminate weapon, to destroy targets situated in civilian areas. The Russian military has also used indiscriminate force in attacks in South Ossetia and in the Gori district, and has apparently targeted convoys of civilians attempting to flee the conflict zones. Armed criminal gangs and Ossetian militia have committed looting, arson attacks, rape and abductions, terrorizing the civilian population, forcing them to flee their homes and preventing displaced people from returning home.
HRW further reports that both Georgians and Russians used cluster bombs of the types M85S and RBK 250, resulting in civilian casualties. Georgia admits using cluster bombs against Russian troops and the Roki tunnel but is accused of also hitting civilians fleeing from the battle zone. Russia denies the use of cluster bombs, but is accused of having used them in its attacks against Gori and Ruisi. The organisation called the conflict a disaster for civilians. HRW also called for international organisations to send fact-finding missions to establish the facts, report on human rights, and urged the authorities to account for any crimes.
On September 8, Thomas Hammarberg, Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, issued a report titled "Human Rights in Areas Affected by the South Ossetia Conflict" stating that during the conflict "a very large number of people had been victimised. More than half of the population in South Ossetia fled, the overwhelming majority of them after the Georgian artillery and tank attack on Tskhinvali and the assaults on Georgian villages by South Ossetian militia and criminal gangs." The report also states that the main Tskhinvali hospital had been hit by rockets, that some "residential areas in the city" of Tskhinvali were "completely destroyed" and "the main building of the Russian peace keeping force as well as the base’s medical dispensary had been hit by heavy artillery." Furthermore, the villages with ethnic Georgian majority between Tskhinvali and Java "have been destroyed, reportedly by South Ossetian militia and criminal gangs."
In November 2008, Amnesty International released a 69 page report citing both Georgia and Russia of serious international law violations on the conduct of war.
Infrastructure damage
On August 12 local authorities stated that approximately 70% of Tskhinvali's buildings, both municipal and private, have suffered damage during Georgian offensive. According to later statements made by Russian and Ossetian sources, about 20% of the Tskhinvali's buildings have suffered various damage, including an estimate of 700, or 10% of city's buildings of "beyond repair".
Georgia claimed Russia had bombed airfields and economic infrastructure, including the Black Sea port of Poti. Between eight and eleven Russian jets reportedly hit container tanks and a shipbuilding plant at the port.
From August 19 onwards the UN Institute for Training and Research (UNITAR) released a series of detailed satellite maps of the regions affected by the war via its Operational Satellite Applications Programme (UNOSAT). All damage is assessed from satellite images (with a resolution of up to 60 cm), however it is not independently validated on the ground. For Tskhinvali, UNOSAT reports 230 (5.5% of the total) of buildings either destroyed or severly damaged. In the villages to the north of Tskhinvali (controlled by Georgia previous to the war) between 5.4% and 51.9% of the total buildings was affected. Human Rights Watch (HRW) used the images to support the claim that widespread torching of ethnic Georgian villages by Ossetian militia had occurred inside South Ossetia. With regard to the city of Poti, UNOSAT provided imagery that witnesses a total of 6 Georgian naval vessels either "partially or completely submerged". "No other damage to physical infrastructure or vessel-related oil spills" were detected.
Interfax.ru reported that retreating Georgian forces mined civilian infrastructure in South Ossetia, including some private house basements civilians used to hide in during the Georgian offensive.
On August 10 Reuters reported that "a Reuters witness and the Georgian interior ministry" claimed an attack on the civilian Tbilisi International Airport. Later, Georgian State Minister for Reintegration Temur Iakobashvili admitted that the attack had not taken place, stating, "There was no attack on the airport in Tbilisi. It was a factory that produces combat airplanes" (most likely referring to Tbliaviamsheni, a military avionics plant near Tbilisi).
Many countries and institutions promised reconstruction aid for the affected regions,.
Responsibility for the war and motives
The combatants' positions
On August 7, Saakashvili gave two reasons for his decision to go to war: the need to defend Georgian villages from Ossetian shelling and to "restore constitutional order" in South Ossetia, following repeated incidents that had lead to several deaths in the region. Later Saakashvili said the aim of the Georgian attack was to counter a Russian invasion. During a United Nations Security Council meeting on August 8, Georgia said that the first Russian troops entered South Ossetia at 05:30 am on August 8. The Georgian government later changed it position, saying that around 11:30 p.m. on August 7 intelligence information was received that 150 Russian army vehicles had entered Georgian territory through the Roki Tunnel. In an interview with Der Spiegel, Mikheil Saakashvili said "we wanted to stop the Russian troops before they could reach Georgian villages. When our tanks moved toward Tskhinvali, the Russians bombed the city. They were the ones -- not us -- who reduced Tskhinvali to rubble." During another interview, answering to a question of the CNN ancor, "Are you denying Georgian forces used artillery and tanks to shell Tskhinvali?" he claimed "Georgian troops responded to the fire from Tskhinvali and from the Russian border" and "They fired only at the positions, and that was my strict instruction," adding that the evacuation of women and children from Tskhinvali prior to the conflict is a proof of the intent of the Russian and Ossetian side to start the Battle of Tskhinvali.
Russia says it acted to defend Russian citizens in South Ossetia, and its own peacekeepers stationed there. The Russian peacekeepers in South Ossetia suffered casualties during the initial Georgian artillery barrage on Tskhinvali and were besieged by Georgian troops for two days until a Russian unit broke through to their camp and started evacuating the wounded at 5 a.m. on 9 August. According to a senior Russian official, the first Russian combat unit was ordered to move through the Roki Tunnel at around dawn of 8 August well after the Georgian attack. Defending Russia's decision to launch attacks on Georgia proper, Foreign Minister of Russia Sergey Lavrov has said that Russia had no choice but to target the military infrastructure being used to sustain the Georgian offensive. Initially, Russia went as far as accused Georgia of genocide of Ossetians, noting that Georgia codenamed their attack "Operation Clear Field" Russia codenamed their operation as "Operation to force Georgia to peace".
Georgian intelligence and journalistic evaluation
Georgia has released intercepted telephone calls purporting to show that part of a Russian armoured regiment crossed into the separatist enclave of South Ossetia nearly a full day before Georgia’s attack on the capital, Tskhinvali, late on Aug. 7; Russian military played down the significance of the intercepted conversations, saying the troop movements to the enclave before the war erupted were part of the normal rotation and replenishment of longstanding peacekeeping forces there. In a September 16 article, the New York Times described the intercepted calls as "credible if not conclusive"
In a later article published on November 6, the New York Times said that "neither Georgia nor its Western allies have as yet provided conclusive evidence that Russia was invading the country or that the situation for Georgians in the Ossetian zone was so dire that a large-scale military attack was necessary" and that the phone intercepts published by Georgia did not show the Russian column’s size, composition or mission, and that "there has not been evidence that it was engaged with Georgian forces until many hours after the Georgian bombardment."
OSCE monitors
A former senior OSCE official, Ryan Grist, who was in charge of unarmed monitors in South Ossetia at war's start and in mid of August 2008 forced to resign by OSCE , told the BBC in November 2008 that he had been warning of Georgia's military activity before its move into the South Ossetia region, saying there was a "severe escalation" and that this "would give the Russian Federation any excuse it needed in terms of trying to support its own troops." According to Grist, it was Georgia that launched the first military strikes against Tskhinvali. "It was clear to me that the [Georgian] attack was completely indiscriminate and disproportionate to any, if indeed there had been any, provocation,” he said. “The attack was clearly, in my mind, an indiscriminate attack on the town, as a town.”
Grist's views were echoed and confirmed by Stephen Young, who was another senior OSCE official in Georgia at the time. According to him, there had been little or no shelling of Georgian villages on the night Saakashvili’s troops began their onslaught on Tskhinvali. Young added, that if there had been shelling of Georgian villages that evening as Georgia has claimed, the OSCE monitors at the scene would have heard it. According to him, the monitors only heard occasional small arms fire. According New York Times the accounts are neither fully conclusive nor broad enough to settle the many lingering disputes over blame in a war.
The monitors' ground reports were subject of briefings in August (by Grist) and October 2008 (by Young) for diplomats in Tblisi. These briefings were confirmed by three Western diplomats and a Russian, and were not disputed by the OSCE's mission in Tbilisi.The OSCE itself, while refusing to discuss its internal findings, stood by the accuracy of its work but urged caution in interpreting it too broadly. Monitoring activities in certain areas at certain times couldn't be taken in isolation to provide a comprehensive account. Later Ambassador Terhi Hakala of Finland, head of the OSCE mission to Georgia called what three monitors heard just from villages nearest them on August 7 "a bit irrelevant." She added, "We're very limited in what we can monitor".
Ryan Grist's objectivity was later questioned by Georgia and some Western diplomats in Tbilisi. In an interview with The Wall Street Journal, he admitted that he went AWOL across Russian lines on his own fact-finding mission. Grist remains scathing about Georgian actions before and during the war. But he said, that some of his comments have been overinterpreted. "I have never said there was no provocation by the South Ossetians. What I have said is that the response from the Georgian authorities was absolutely disproportionate." The Georgian secret service believes Mr Grist is a Russian spy.
Western military experts
NATO officials interviewed by Der Spiegel believed that the Georgians had started the conflict. The officials treated the exchanges of fire in the preceding days as minor events and didn't see them as a justification for Georgian war preparations. The NATO experts however did not question the Georgian claim that the Russians had provoked them by sending their troops through the Roki Tunnel. But their evaluation of the facts was dominated by skepticism that these were the true reasons for Saakashvili's actions.
Western intelligence agencies, quoted by Der Spiegel, believed that Russian troops from North Ossetia did not begin marching through the Roki Tunnel until roughly 11 am on August 8. The Russian army also did not begin firing until 7:30 am on August 8. Wolfgang Richer, a military expert to the German OSCE mission, said that he could find no evidence to support Saakashvili's claim that the Russians had sent troops through the Roki Tunnel before the Georgian attack, but he could not rule it out either.
Other politicians
, George W. Bush, making a statement on the crisis in Georgia, flanked by U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates]]
On August 11, 2008, a US Defense official said that there was no obvious buildup of Russian forces along the border that signaled an intention to invade. "Once it did happen they were able to get the forces quickly and it was just a matter of taking the roads in. So it's not as though they were building up forces on the border, waiting," the official said.
On August 16, Andrei Illarionov, V. Putin's ex-advisor in economics topics, argues that Russia was the country to prepare and start the war. However, his speech wasn't shown by Russian television. Referring to a major ground exercise Russia held in July, just north of Georgia’s border, Dale Herspring (an expert on Russian military affairs at Kansas State University) described Russia's intervention as being "exactly what they executed in Georgia just a few weeks later... a complete dress rehearsal".
On September 8, Dana Rohrabacher (a senior Republican member of the United States House of Representatives) Foreign Affairs Committee, argued at a House of Representatives Foreign Affairs Committee meeting, according to The Daily Telegraph, that "the Georgians had initiated the recent military confrontation in the on-going Russian-South Ossetian conflict", citing unidentified U.S. intelligence sources. Further, Telegraph reported that "Mr. Rohrabacher insisted that Georgia was to blame", citing him: "The Georgians broke the truce, not the Russians, and no amount of talk of provocation and all this other stuff can alter that fact." Telegraph stated: ""His comments got little attention in the United States but have been played prominently on state-run Russian television bulletins and other media."
On September 14, Irakli Okruashvili, Georgian defence minister from 2004 to 2006, reported in an interview to Reuters that in 2004–2006 he and Saakashvili worked together on military plans to invade South Ossetia and Abkhazia, adding "Abkhazia was our strategic priority, but we drew up military plans in 2005 for taking both Abkhazia and South Ossetia as well".
On September 20, US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, speaking at an event organised by the German Marshall Fund in Washington, "acknowledged that Georgia had fired the first shots in the breakaway region of South Ossetia". This view was echoed by five former American Secretaries of State, Henry Kissinger, James Baker, Warren Christopher, Madeleine Albright, and Colin Powell, at a forum on presidential policy.
On November 17, Moscow Times reported that on August 7, state-owned Russia television showed Sergei Bagapsh, the leader of Abkhazia, speaking at a meeting of the Abkhaz National Security Council. He is reported to have said: "I have spoken to the president of South Ossetia. It has more or less stabilized now. A battalion from the North Caucasus District has entered the area." The newspaper does not specify if Bagapsh was talking of a paramilitary battalion or a unit of the Russian army.
On November 25, Erosi Kitsmarishvili, Georgia's former ambassador to Russia, has given a testimony to a parliamentary commission in which he said that Georgian authorities were responsible for starting the conflict. According to Kitsmarishvili, Georgian officials told him in April, 2008 that they planned to start a war in Abkhazia and that they had received a green light from the United States government to do so. He said that the Georgian government later decided to start the war in South Ossetia and continue into Abkhazia. According to him, "Russia was ready for the war, but the Georgian leadership started the military action first."
On November 29, Badri Bitsadze, former head of Georgia's Border Police, has accused the Georgian leadership of starting the war. According to him, the Georgian leadership decided to launch the war in South Ossetia "because Saakashvili was sure he would have won it." He also said that "there was no green light from any foreign country" to start the war. Mr. Bitsadze also claimed the decision to start the war was taken by the President of Georgia Mikheil Saakashvili and his "inner circle" of influential politicians, including Interior Minister Vano Merabishvili; Justice Minister Zurab Adeishvili, Deputy Foreign Minister Giga Bokeria; Secretary of the National Security Council Alexandre Lomaia and Tbilisi Mayor Gigi Ugulava.
On February 21, 2009, Georgia's former UN ambassador, Irakly Alasania, who recently resigned and joined an opposition party, blamed President Mikheil Saakashvili for the war. According to Alasania, Saakashvili didn't have the authority to start military action. "In that situation talks were the only outcome, not the steps that authorities took, which led to such tragic consequences. The actions that were taken were hasty and counter-productive – for instance, the military rhetoric President Saakashvili resorted to," he said on Georgian TV.
Statements by analysts
On August 14, Russian military analyst Pavel Felgenhauer, observer of Russian newspaper Novaya Gazeta and regular contributor to U.S. based think-tank Jamestown Foundation speculated in a Novaya Gazeta article that "Russia's invasion of Georgia had been planned in advance, with the final political decision to complete the preparations and start war in August apparently having been made back in April."
On November 16, Ivan Kotlyarov, economist by training, wrote, that Saakashvili launched the war to bring South Ossetia back to Georgian control, but also to boost his falling popularity by creating a small war which he could win. However, Kotlyarov points out that a thorough analysis of the causes of the war "It is impossible at this point".
Professor Charles King described the Georgian attack on South Ossetia as "an ill-planned reconquista."
In August, 2008, Svante Cornell, Johanna Popjanevski and Niklas Nilsson from the Institute for Security and Development Policy in Sweden comment that preceding the war, "Moscow’s increasingly blatant provocations against Georgia led to a growing fear in the analytic community that it was seeking a military confrontation", adding "Russia had been meticulously preparing an invasion of Georgia through the substantial massing and preparation of forces in the country’s immediate vicinity." The paper pointed out, that its assertions were "initial conclusions," and due to the recent nature of the event, the information might possibly need correction as more solid evidence arrives.
On November 11, an editorial in the International Herald Tribune stated: "There is no reason to doubt the OSCE monitors. The inescapable conclusion is that Saakashvili started the war and lied about it. The Kremlin may have done its part to provoke Georgia - and its reaction to the Georgian attacks was deliberately harsh - but that is no excuse for Saakashvili allowing himself to be provoked."
Reactions to the conflict
International reaction
Condoleezza Rice and President of Georgia Mikheil Saakashvili making a statement. Tbilisi, August 2008]]
Nicholas Sarkozy, President of Russia Dmitry Medvedev, and Secretary-General of the Council of the European Union Javier Solana. Summit in Nice, November 2008]]
In response to the war, Russia faced strong criticism from the US, the United Kingdom, Poland, Sweden and the Baltic states. George W. Bush warned Russia: "Bullying and intimidation are not acceptable ways to conduct foreign policy in the 21st century." In contrast, Italy was more supportive of Russia, Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs Franco Frattini stating "We cannot create an anti-Russia coalition in Europe, and on this point we are close to Putin's position". France and Germany took an intermediate position, refraining from naming a culprit while calling for an end of hostilities.
Also in response to the war, Viktor Yushchenko, the president of Ukraine, said he intended to negotiate increasing the rent on the Russian naval base at Sevastopol in the Crimea. On the other hand, the Abkhazian government said it would invite Russia to establish a naval base in the port of Sukhumi. According to Russia, any re-negotiation of the use of the Ukraine naval base would break a 1997 agreement, under which Russia leases the base for $98 million a year until 2017. A controversy arose over how Ukraine should respond to the Ossetia war, which contributed to the 2008 Ukrainian political crisis.
Although many Western leaders initially showed solidarity to Georgia, the findings of possible war crimes committed by Georgia in South Ossetia later raised concerns among Georgia's supporters in the West. British Foreign Minister David Miliband, after being informed of the Human Rights Watch and BBC findings of possible war crimes committed by Georgia, apparently hardened his language towards Georgia, calling its actions "reckless". But he also added that "the Russian response was reckless and wrong".
Recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia
for a free and undivided Georgia. The sign says "Imperial Appetites" (August 12)]]
On August 25, 2008, the Federal Assembly of Russia unanimously voted to urge President Medvedev to recognise Abkhazia and South Ossetia as independent states. On 26 August 2008, Medvedev agreed, signing a decree officially recognising the two entities, and in a televised address to the Russian people expressed his opinion that recognising the independence of the two republics "represents the only possibility to save human lives." Georgia rejected this move outright as an annexation of its territory. Nicaragua recognised the republics on 5 September 2008. In January, 2009, Belarus said it would make a decision on recognizing South Ossetia and Abkhazia on 2 April, but the The European Union is demanding Belarus not to recognize the republics and is threatening to cancel Belarus' invitation to its Eastern Partnership program.
The unilateral recognition by Russia was met by condemnation from NATO, the OSCE Chairman, the Presidency of the Council of the European Union, the European Commission, Foreign Ministers of the G7, and the government of Ukraine due to alleged violation of Georgia's territorial integrity, and United Nations Security Council resolutions. According to Alexei Vlassov from Moscow State University, even Russia's closest allies did not show any willingness to support Moscow. Russian policy of recognition was supported by the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation although no members of the SCO have followed suit with recognition of the two republics.
Judicial reaction
On August 12, 2008, Georgia instituted proceedings in the International Court of Justice against Russia for violations of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. The case (Georgia v. Russian Federation) was accepted by the court on August 15. The first public hearings started at the Peace Palace in The Hague, seat of the Court on September 8, 2008.
The Court held three days of hearings in September and issued its Order, stating both Parties must "do all in their power to ensure the security of persons, the right of persons to freedom of movement and residence, and the protection of property of displaced persons and of refugees. The Parties are also called upon to facilitate humanitarian assistance."
South Ossetians have sent over 300 lawsuits to the International Criminal Court in The Hague seeking to bring Georgian authorities to justice for genocide. Russian prosecutors are also gathering evidence to support the allegations of genocide committed by Georgians against the South Ossetians but have not given a detailed statement on the legal grounds for the accusation.
Media reaction
Independent media coverage and access to information were limited as the conflict continued to unfold. Cyber-warfare fueled claims of distributed denial of service, censorship, propaganda, and disinformation from all sides, and restricted access for journalists made it difficult to verify the allegations. Blogs sprang up on the Internet where individuals and professionals alike reported on events from different locations and different points of view as they happened in real time. An international debate continued about access to accurate and reliable information.
Censorship of Russian media in Georgia during the war
The Georgian government stopped translation of Russian TV channels and blocked access to Russian websites, limiting news coverage in Georgia. Temur Yakobashvili, the minister for reintegration, publicly claimed responsibility for blocking access to the TV station.
Cyberattacks
During the war, Georgian, Russian, South Ossetian, and Azerbaijani websites were attacked by hackers, causing a breakdown of local servers. Estonia responded to the Georgian need for web hosting by sending information security specialists from the Computer Emergency Response Team (CERT) and by hosting the web site for the Georgia's Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Office of the President of Poland provided Internet access for the government of Georgia to disseminate information.
NATO reaction in the Black Sea
NATO increased its naval presence in the Black Sea significantly, with ships docking in Georgian ports, and according to the US navy, delivering humanitarian aid. NATO stressed that the increased presence in the Black Sea was not related to the current tensions and that the vessels were conducting routine visits and carrying out pre-planned naval exercises.
Russian President Dmitry Medvedev denied the claim and alleged delivery of military suport. Russian General Anatoly Nogovitsyn warned that NATO had already exhausted the number of vessels allowed in the Black Sea, under the 1936 Montreux convention, and warned Western nations against sending more ships.
According to political analyst Vladimir Socor, the United States maintained an uninterrupted naval presence in the Black Sea, which is constrained by the Montreux Convention's limitations on naval tonnage and the duration of naval visits, and rotated its ships in the Black Sea at intervals consistent with that convention.
Combatants
Georgia
As of August 8, 2008, Georgia had 82 T-72 Main Battle Tanks, 139 Armoured Personnel Carriers (BMP and BTR variants), 7 Combat aircraft (Su-25 ground attack) and 95 Heavy artillery pieces (including Grad BM-21 122 mm multiple rocket launchers), according to Jane's Sentinel Country Risk Assessments. Georgia had recently also been acquiring some western-made weaponry, including the UH-1 Iroquois helicopters and M4 Carbine rifles from the United States, 152mm SpGH DANA self-propelled guns and RM-70 Multiple rocket launchers from the Czech Republic and Slovakia, Turkish Otokar Cobra armoured vehicles, and German Heckler & Koch G36 and Israeli IMI Tavor TAR-21 rifles. According to a US military trainer, the Americans had trained Georgian soldiers with M-4 rifles, but when the fighting started, the Georgians went back to Soviet AK-47s, the only weapon they trusted. They had serious firing problems because they seemed unable to fire in single shot. According to the Georgian Ministry of Defense, "the Georgian armed forces have GRADLAR 160 multiple launch rocket systems and MK4 LAR 160 type (with M85 bomblets) rockets with a range of 45 kilometers". Ukraine had supplied Georgia with weapons, reportedly including Tor and Buk AA missile systems, Armoured Personnel Carriers and small arms. Israeli companies supplied UAVs, night-vision equipment, anti-aircraft equipment, ammunition and electronic systems as well as advanced tactical training. According to HRW, the Israeli-made M85 cluster bombs used by the Georgian military had a high rate of submunitions that failed to explode on impact as designed.
U.S analysts mention that the air defense was "one of the few effective elements of the country's military" and credit the SA-11 Buk-1M with shooting down a Tupolev-22M and contributing to the losses of the 3 Su-25s. A view mirrored by Russia's deputy chief of General Staff, Col. Gen. Anatoly Nogovitsyn, who said the Tor and Buk missile systems were responsible for the downings of 4 Russian aircraft in the war, and independant Russian analysis. SPYDER air-defense systems were also spotted.
Georgia has said that its principal vulnerabilities, which proved decisive, were its comparative weakness to Russian air power and its inability to communicate effectively in combat. Konstantin Makienko of CAST saw a low efficiency of Georgian air raids due to inadequate pilot training. According to Batu Kutelia, Georgia's first deputy defense minister, in the future Georgia will need a very sophisticated, multi-layered air-defense system to defend all its airspace. However, Western military officers who have experience working with Georgian military forces suggest that Georgia's military shortfalls were serious and too difficult to change merely by upgrading equipment. According to an article published in the New York Times on 3 September, "Georgia's Army fled ahead of the Russian Army's advance, turning its back and leaving Georgian civilians in an enemy's path. Its planes did not fly after the first few hours of contact. Its navy was sunk in the harbor, and its patrol boats were hauled away by Russian trucks on trailers." Georgia's logistical preparations were poor and its units interfered with each other in the field. According to their American trainers, the Georgian soldiers don´t lack "warrior spirit", but weren´t ready for combat. It has also been pointed out, that neither Saakashvili, nor his Defence Minister Davit Kezerashvili had any military experience, but they still commanded troops in battle.
Georgian order of battle
The Georgian army consisted of 4 regular infantry brigades, plus a fifth brigade in the process of formation. One artillery brigade was stationed at Gori and Khoni and a tank battalion was also stationed at Gori.
According to International Institute for Strategic Studies, when the war started, the Georgians had amassed ten light infantry battallions of the 2nd, 3rd and 4th infantry brigades as well as special forces and an artillery brigade, in all, about 12,000 troops near the South Ossetian conflict zone. The 4th Brigade carried out the main mission of capturing Tskhinvali, while the 2nd and 3rd Brigades provided support. Of all Georgian military units, the 4th Brigade suffered the heaviest casualties.
The 1st infantry brigade, being the only one trained to a NATO level, served in Iraq at the start of the war. 2–3 days into the war, it was airlifted to Georgia by the U.S. Air Force, too late to take part in the Battle of Tskhinvali.
Military instructors and alleged use of foreign mercenaries
At the outbreak of the war 127 U.S. military trainers including 35 civilian contractors were present in Georgia. Additionally, 1,650 personnel, including troops from Armenia, Azerbaijan and Ukraine, had participated in the military exercise "Immediate Response 2008" which ended only days earlier. Several of these soldiers were still in the country. EUCOM stated that neither participated in the conflict. According to South Ossetian President Eduard Kokoity, quoted by pravda.ru, "many mercenaries from Ukraine and the Baltic states" participated in the fighting on the Georgian side. The Konovalyuk Commission of the Ukrainian Parliament released a disputed list of Ukrainian military specialists, thought to had been present in Georgia during the onset of the war. Aleksandr Bastrykin, head of the Russian Prosecutor-General's investigative committee, reiterated these claims: "It was a fairly small number of people. They mainly fulfilled support roles" - specifically mentioning a female sniper from Latvia, a reappearance of the mythical so-called "White Tights", female Baltic snipers supposedly active during the Chechen Wars. The allegations were neither substantiated, nor responded by Baltic states.
Russia
The New York Times reported that Russia’s military went into battle with aging equipment, including scores of tanks designed in the 1960s, and armoured vehicles that broke down in large numbers along Georgia’s roads. In contrast, the Washington Times writes that the war showed "how supposedly obsolete weapons can still play a potent and even decisive role in modern war" and added that Russia didn't rely exclusively on old T-72s; state-of-the-art T-90 main battle tanks were also identified in action. According a "military source in Moscow", who was interviewed by Reuters, Russian troops using similar weapons to the Georgians "surpassed them in every possible way".
According to U.S. analysts Russia's forces in the conflict included 150 T-62 and T-72 tanks and 100 pieces of artillery. At least some T-80 and modern T-90 main battle tanks were sighted in the war. Old T-72s had been upgraded with reactive armour. Su-25, Su-27 and Su-24 strike aircraft were used to establish air superiority. Russia reportedly fired 15 OTR-21 Tochka short-range ballistic missiles in the conflict during 8 August–11. A few new Iskander (SS-26) short-range theater ballistic missiles were also launched. During bombings, Russia used RBK air-dropped cluster bombs with AO-2.5 RTM submunitions.
An editorial in RIA Novosti claimed that forces deployed by the Russian army lacked unmanned combat aerial vehicles, which hurt their intelligence efforts and forced Russia to send a Tupolev Tu-22M3 long-range bomber on a reconnaissance mission. The same editorial stated that Russian Su-25 fighter jets still lacked radar sights, computers for calculating ground-target coordinates and long-range air-to-surface missiles that could be launched outside enemy air-defense areas. Independant Russian analyst Konstantin Makienko pointed out the poor performance of the Russian airforce: "It is totally unbelievable that the Russian Air Force was unable to establish air superiority almost to the end of the five-day war, despite the fact that the enemy had no fighter aviation." According to Jane's Information Group, Russia also used BMP-1 and BMP-2 infantry vehicles, BTR-80 armoured personnel carriers and MT-LB multipurpose tracked vehicles. According to Russian General Anatoly Nogovitsyn, deputy chief of the General Staff, no new arms were tested during the war.
A Reuters analyst described Russia's army in light of the conflict as "strong but flawed." According to him, the war showed that Russia's "armed forces have emerged from years of neglect as a formidable fighting force, but revealed important deficiencies". The weaknesses, especially in missiles and air capability, leave Russia still lagging behind the image of a world-class military power it projects to the rest of the world. In contrast to the weak conscript soldiers used in Chechnya, Russia's force in Georgia was made up entirely of professional soldiers, according to commanders. Reuters reporters on the ground in Georgia saw disciplined, well-equipped troops. Ruslan Pukhov, director of Russia's Centre for Analysis of Strategies and Technology, has pointed out that "the victory over the Georgian army ... should become for Russia not a cause for euphoria and excessive joy, but serve to speed up military transformations in Russia."
American researchers working for the Heritage foundation praised the Russian command, stating that, because of comprehensive and systematic planning, the operations "were well prepared and well executed" and that the Russian offensive achieved a strategic surprise.
Russian-South-Ossetian and Russian-Abkhazian order of battle
The Russian order of battle involved significant elements of the Russian 58th Army. According to the Centre for Strategic and International Studies 58th Army is one of Russia’s premiere combat formations and boasts more than twice the number of troops, five times the number of tanks, ten times the number of armoured personnel carriers and twelve times the number of combat aircraft as the entire Georgian Armed Forces
South Ossetian Sector
- 600 peacekeepers from 135th Motorised Rifle Regiment of 58th Army
- Two battalions of 135th Motorised Rifle Regiment
- 503rd and 693rd Motorized Rifle Regiments of the 19th Motorized Rifle Division
- 70th and 71st Motorized Rifle Regiments of the 42nd Motorized Rifle Division
- Units of Airborne Troops (VDV)
- Units of GRU (direct or operational subordination)
- Military of South Ossetia - est. 2,500 men before the war.
Abkhazian Sector
- Up to 9000 men from
- 7th Novorossiysk Air Assault Division
- 76th Pskov Air Assault Divisions
- elements of the 20th Motorized Rifle Division
- two battalions of Black Sea Fleet marines
- Units of 131st Separate Motor-Rifle Brigade (used as peacekeepers)
- Unnamed units of VDV
- Army (land and air forces) of Abkhazia
- Naval Task Force consisting of following units from the Black Sea Fleet
- Slava Class Cruiser RFS Moskva
- Kashin Class (Upgraded) Destroyer Smetlivy
- Alligator Class Landing Ships Saratov.
- Ropucha-I Class Landing Ships Caesar Kunikov and Yamal.
- Grisha-V Anti-Submarine Corvettes Kasimov, Povorino and Suzdalets.
- Nanuchka-III Class Corvette Mirazh.
- Bora Class Missile Boat Samum
- Moma Class Surveillance ship Ekvator.
- Natya Class Minesweepers Zhukov and Turbinist.
- Small Landing Ship Koida
- Sorum Class Fleet Tug MB-31.
Air support
- Fighter, attack, bomber and reconnaissance aircrafts of 4th Air Army (acting over South Ossetia, Abkhazia and Georgia proper)
- Unnamed transport aviation units used for air-lift of units of 76th and 98th Airborne Divisions, Spetsnaz of 45th Detached Reconnaissance Regiment to South Ossetia and unnamed units of VDV to Abkhazia
Equipment losses and cost
In the aftermath of war Reuters cited some Stratfor analysts who believed that "Russia has largely destroyed Georgia's war-fighting capability". During its retreat from South Ossetia the Georgian army left behind much of its military equipment. Large parts of its tank forces, artillery and relatively modern anti-aircraft defense units were either destroyed or captured. Almost the entire Georgian navy was sunk in their harbor, Poti, after Russian forces occupied the city. Only 19 vessels of the Georgian navy remain in action.
Russia confirmed the loss of 3 Su-25 strike aircraft and 1 Tu-22M3 supersonic bomber. Russia estimates, that 3 Georgian Su-25 strike aircraft and 2 L-29 jet trainers were destroyed in the war. According to Moscow Defense Brief, overall losses of Russian Air Force in the war amounted to seven aircraft: one Tu-22M3 long-range bomber, one Su-24M Fencer frontal bomber, one Su-24MR Fencer E reconnaissance plane, and four Su-25 attack planes. Losses for the Georgian air force were 5 aircraft and 2 helicopters.
According to Nezavisimaya Gazeta, figures from the Center for Analysis of Strategies and Technologies, compiled three days after the war in lieu of official data, place the cost of the five days of war at 12,5 billion rubles (then $508.7 million) for Russia. This includes the cost of the losses of four Russian aircraft which is thought to have been more than 2,5 billion rubles. According to the estimate, no less than 1,2 billion rubles per day went on fuel.
See also
External links
Georgia
Russia
South Ossetia
International
Media
. International Crisis Group’s multimedia presentation
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